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OP LITERARY REFERENCE. With 3000 Illustrations. Tho- 
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LL.D., and Noah Poeteb, D.D., of Yale College. 
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Besides the matter comprised in the Webster's Guinea Dictionary, this 
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A Brief History of the English Lan- I 

guage. By Professor James Hadley. 
This Work shows the Philological Rela- 
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the progress and influence of the causes 
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Principles of Pronunciation. By ! 

Professor Goodrich and W. A. Wheeleb, | 

MJL Including a Synopsis of Words \ 

differently pronounced by different an- | 
thorlties. 

A Short Treatise on Orthography. , 

By Arthur W. Wright. Including a ' 
Complete List of Words that are spelt in 
two or more ways. 

An Explanatory and Pronouncing 

Vocabulary of the Names of Noted Fie- ! 

feitious Persons and Places, &c By W. A. j 

Wheeleb, M.A. This Work includes not j 

only persons and places noted in Fiction. I 

whether narrative, poetical, or dramatic, 

but Mythological and Mythical names, 

names referring to the Angelology and De- 

monology of various races, and those 

found in the romance writers; Pseu- 
donyms, Nick-names of eminent persons 

and parties, &c., &c. In fact, it is best 

described as explaining every name which 

is not strictly historical A reference is 

given to the originator of each name, and 

where the origin is unknown a quotation 

is given to some well-known writer in 

which the word occurs. 
Thit valuable Work may also be had 

separately, post Svo., 5s. 
A Pronouncing Vocabulary of Scrip- 
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M.A. Including a List of the Variations 

that occur in the Douay version of the 

Bible. 

" The cheapest Dictionary ever published, as it is confessedly one cf the best. The farfcro- 
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To be obtained through all Beektetters, 

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A Pronouncing Vocabulary cf Greek 

and Latin Proper Names. By Professor 
Teacher, of Yale College, 
An Etymological Vocabulary of Mo- 
dem Geographical Barnes. By the Kev. 
C. H. Wheeleb. Containing :—i. A List 
of Prefixes, Terminations, and Formative 
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meaning and derivation ; u. A brief List 
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Pronouncing Vocabularies of Modern 

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A Dictionary of Quotations. Selected 
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WEBSTER'S DICTIONARY. 



From the Quarterly Keyiew, Oct. 1873. 

" Seventy years passed before Johnson was followed by Webster, an 
American writer, who faced the task of the English Dictionary with a 
fall appreciation of its requirements, leading to better practical results.' ' 
• ■ • •> 

" His laborious comparison of twenty languages, though never pub- 
lished, bore fruit In his own mind, and his training placed him both in 
knowledge and judgment far in advance of Johnson as a philologist. 
Webster's * American Dictionary of the English Language ' was pub- 
lished in 1828, and of course appeared at once in England, where 
successive re-editing 1ms as yet kept it in the highest place as a practical 



" The acceptance of an American Dictionary in England has itself 
had immense effect in keeping up the community of speech, to break 
which would be a grievous harm, not to English-speaking nations 
alone, but to mankind. The result of this has been that the common 
Dictionary must suit both sides of the Atlantic." .... 

" The good average business-like character of Webster's Dictionary, 
both in style ana matter, made it as distinctly suited as Johnson's was 
distinctly unsuited to be expanded and re-edited by other hands. 
Professor Goodrich's edition of 1847 is not much more than enlarged 
and amended, but other revisions since have so much novelty of plan 
as to be described as distinct works." .... 

" The American revised Webster's Dictionary of 1864, published in 
America and England, is of an altogether higher order than these last 
[The London Imperial and Student's]. It bears on its title-page the 
names of Drs. Goodrich and Porter, but inasmuch as its especial im- 
provement is in the etymological department, the care of which was 
committed to Dr. Mahn, of Berlin, we prefer to describe it in short as 
the Webster-Malm Dictionary. Many other literary men, among them 
Professors Whitney and Dana, aided in the task of compilation and 
revision. On consideration it seems that the editors and contributors 
have gone far toward improving Webster to the utmost that he will 
bear improvement. The vocabulary has become almost complete, as 
regards usual words, while the definitions keep throughout to Webster's 
simple careful style, and the derivations are assigned with the aid ci 
good modern authorities." 

" On the whole, the Webster-Marm Dictionary as it stands, is most 
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RANKE'S LATIN AND TEUTONIC 
NATIONS. 

1494-1514. 



HISTORY OF THE 

LATIN AND TEUTONIC 
NATIONS 

FROM 1494 TO 1514. 



BY LEOPOLD YON RANKE, 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN 
BY 

PHILIP A. ASHWORTH, 

OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 

Translator of Gneist's Constitutional History of England. 



LONDON: GEOEGE BELL AND SONS, YOEK STEEET, 
COVENT GAKDEN. 

1887. 

[Authorized translation.'] 






In Exchange 
Univ. of North Oaroliaa 
JAN 3 1 1934 



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CHANC^R\* LANE. 



\> 



PREFACE. 



IT has been ray privilege, not only to have been entrusted 
by the world-renowned historian with the task of trans- 
lating this work, but also, in personal interviews, to have 
been instructed by him how to proceed, in order to meet 
his views and wishes. 

His demand, that I should adhere literally to the text, 
could not be disregarded. Therefore, in presenting this 
translation to the public, I have confidence that the sacrifice 
of literary style to scrupulous fidelity will not be imputed 
to me as a fault. 

For myself, I modestly claim that my rendering of this 
work into English is, with all its blemishes, a fairly faithful 
reproduction of the author's words and meaning. 

Few men, and still fewer historians, have been permitted 
to draw the space of seventy years within the range of their 
practical experience ; Leopold von Eanke was allowed to 
see his nation, whose life and struggles at the com- 
mencement of the sixteenth century he has so vividly and 
realistically depicted, raise itself from abasement to a first 
and foremost position among the Latino-Teutonic nations. 
Possibly it was the resuscitation of the feeling of G-erman 
unity, after the close of the Napoleonic wars, which awoke 
in him the desire to show how the energy and independence 
of the G-erman national character asserted themselves in 
the middle ages. 

The third edition of the original (1885) lacks any 
special introduction by the author ; but I cannot omit re- 
producing here a sentence contained in the preface to the 
first edition (1824), which clearly shows the historian's 
feeling as to the treatment of history : — 



VI PREFACE. 

" A strict representation of facts, be it ever so narrow 
and unpoetical, is, beyond donbt, the first law." 

During an interview I had the pleasure to have with him 
a few weeks previous to his death, the historian made some 
observations of such interest that I should be unwilling to 
withhold them from publication. The conversation turned 
upon the sources of his historical information, when Pro- 
fessor von Banke, in effect, said as follows : — " Great as 
is the respect and veneration in which I hold Sir Walter 
Scott, I cannot help regretting that he was not more avail- 
able for the purposes of a historian than he is. If fiction 
must be built upon facts, facts should never be contorted 
to meet the ends of the novelist. What valuable lessons 
were not to be drawn from facts to which the great English 
novelist had the key ; yet, by reason of the fault to which 
I have referred, I have been unable to illustrate many of 
my assertions by reference to him." 

This statement, read together with the passage from 
the preface to the first edition of the original, shows the 
fears entertained by Professor von Eanke, that history 
might suffer at the hands of the novelist, and, at the same 
time, contains an expression of hope that it may be seriously 
used by posterity as a valuable storehouse for practical 
advantage, and never treated as fictitious matter. 

It were presumptuous in me to attempt any comment 
upon the work now set before the English public. I shall 
be content if I have been able to make plain the meaning 
of the most distinguished historian of our era. 

P. A. Ashworth. 

Temple, 

November, 1886. 



LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

OUTLINES OF A TREATISE UPON THE UNITY OF THE 
LATIN AND GERMAN NATIONS, AND THEIR COMMON 
DEVELOPMENT. 

AT the beginning of his fortune, and not long after the 
migration of nations had commenced, Ataiilf , King of 
the Visigoths, conceived the idea of gothicising the Roman 
world, and making himself the Caesar of all ; he would 
maintain the Roman laws. 1 If we understand him aright, 
he first intended to combine the Romans of the West in 
a new unity with the G-erman races, though they were 
sprung of many and diverse tribes, but had, after a union 
that had lasted for centuries, at length become one realm 
and one people. 

He later despaired of being able to effect this ; but the 
collective G-erman nations at last brought it about, and in 
a still wider sense than he had dreamt of. No long time 
elapsed, and Lugdunesian Gaul did not, it is true, become a 
Gothland, but a Lugdunesian Germania. 2 Eventually 
the purple of a Caesar passed to the German houses in the 
person of Charlemagne. At length these likewise adopted 
the Roman law. In this combination six great nations were 
formed— three in which the Latin element predominated, 
viz., the French, the Spanish, and the Italian; and three in 

1 Orosius, vii. 34. Cf. Mascow. Geschichte der Deutschen bis zur 
frankischen Monarchie. 

2 Sidonius Apollinaris in Maseow, 480. 

B 



2 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

which the Teutonic element was conspicuous, viz., the 
German, the English, and the Scandinavian. 

Wherein can the unity of these six nationalities be mani- 
fested and perceived ? Each is again resolvable into various 
units, which never constituted a separate nation, and which 
were almost always in feud with each other. They are all 
sprung from the same or a closely allied stock ; are alike in 
manners, and similar in many of their institutions : their 
internal histories precisely coincide, and certain great enter- 
prises are common to all. 

The following historical work, which is based upon this 
conception, would be unintelligible, were not the latter ex- 
plained by a short survey of those external enterprises which, 
arising as they do from the same mental reason, form a 
progressive development of the Latin and Teutonic life from 
the first beginning until now. Such are the migration of 
nations, the Crusades, and the colonization of foreign 
countries. 



1. 

The migration of nations originated the unity of which 
we speak. The actual event, the movement itself, pro- 
ceeded from the G-ermans; but the Latin countries were 
not merely passive. In exchange for the arms and the 
new public life which they received, they communicated to 
the victors their religion and their language. Beccared 
had, indeed, to become a Catholic before mutual inter- 
marriage between the Visigoths and the Latin peoples could 
be legally permitted in Spain. 1 But, after this, the races and 
their languages became completely blended. In Italy the 
communities of Lombard and Eoman extraction, in spite 
of their original separation, became so closely intertwined 
that it is almost impossible to distinguish the component 
elements of each. It is clear what great influence the 
bishops exercised upon the founding of France ; and yet 
they were at first purely of Latin origin. It is not until the 

1 Lex Flavii Reccaredi Regis, ut tain Romano, etc., in Leges Visi- 
gothorum, iii. 1 1 Hispan. Illustr. iii. 88. Also in Mascow and Montes 
quieu, de l'Esprit des Lois, xxviii. 27. 



INTRODUCTION. 3 

year 566 a.d. that we meet with a Prankish bishop in 
Paris. 1 

Now, although in these nations we find that both 
elements in a short time became welded and blended 
together, the case was very different with the Anglo- 
Saxons, the implacable foes of the Britons, from whom 
they adopted neither religion nor language, as well as 
with the other Teutons in their German and Scandinavian 
home. Yet even these were not finally able to resist the 
Latin Christianity and a great part of the Latin culture. 
Between both divisions of this conglomeration of peoples 
there became formed a close community of kindred blood, 
kindred religion, institutions, manners, and modes of 
thought. They successfully resisted the influence of foreign 
races. Among those nations which besides them had taken 
part in the migration of peoples, it was chiefly the Arabs, 
Hungarians, and Slavs that threatened to disturb, if not to 
annihilate them. But the Arabs were averted by the com- 
plete incompatibility of their religion; the Hungarians 
were beaten back within their own borders, and the neigh- 
bouring Slavs were at last annihilated or subjected. 

What can knit together individuals or nations into closer 
relationship than a participation in the same destiny, and 
a common history ? Among the internal and external oc- 
currences of these earliest times, the unity of one single 
event can be almost perceived. The Teutonic nations, 
possessors from time immemorial of a great country, take 
the field, conquer the Roman empire of the West, and, 
more than this, keep what they have gotten. About the 
year 530 we find them in possession of all the countries, 
extending from the cataracts of the Danube to the mouth 
of the Rhine and even to the Tweed, as well as of all the 
high country from Heligoland to that Baetica, from which 
the Vandals take their name, and across the sea, until 
where the Atlas range sinks down into the desert. As 
long as they were united, no one was able to wrest these 
territories from them ; but the dismemberment of the 
Yandals, and the contrasts of Arian and Catholic doctrines, 
was the first beginning of their ruin. The loss that was 

1 Plank. Gesellschafts-verfassung der christlichen Kische, ii. 96. 



4 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

caused by the fall of the Ostrogothic empire was to a cer- 
tain extent retrieved by the Lombards when they occupied 
Italy — yet not entirely, for never at any time were they 
complete masters of Italy, to say nothing of Sicily or 
Illyria, 1 as the Groths were ; but it was owing to these 
Lombards, who at first destroyed Herulei and G-epidae, but 
thereupon left their hereditary and their conquered settle- 
ments to a Sarmatian people, 2 that the Danube was lost 
almost up to its sources. A fresh loss was the destruction 
of the Thuringian empire. The irruption of the Slavs far 
into the country lying to the west of the Elbe is probably 
not unconnected with this. But the greatest danger was 
threatened by the Arabs. They took Spain at a dash ; 
invaded France and Italy; and, had they won a single 
battle more, at least the Latin portion of our nations 
might have been doomed. What could be expected when 
Franks and Lombards, Franks and Saxons, Angles and 
Danes lived in deadly enmity ? Let us not forget that the 
founding of the Papacy and the Empire warded off this 
danger. 

If I may be allowed to state my own convictions, the real 
power of the Papacy — that which was really durable — was 
not established before the seventh century. It was not 
until then that the Anglo-Saxons recognized in the Pope, 
from whom their conversion immediately proceeded, their 
true patriarch, took to them a primate of his appointment, 
and paid him tribute. 3 It was from England, that Boniface, 
the apostle to the Germans, went forth. Not only on being 
raised to the episcopal chair at Mayence, did he swear 
allegiance, sincere devotion, and assistance to St. Peter and 
his successors, but the other bishops also swore to remain 
until death subject to the Roman Church, and to keep the 
ordinances of Peter's successors. He did yet more. For 
a hundred years before his day not a single letter can be 
found from the Pope of Rome, addressed to the Frankish 
clergy, so independent were the latter. Boniface, on Pipin's 
incentive, brought them also into subjection; and the 
metropolitan bishops whom he instituted took the Pallium 

1 Manso. Geschichte der Ostgothen in Italien, v. 321. 

- Paulus Diaconus, de rebus Gestis Longobardorum, ii. c. 7. 

3 Schrockb. Kircbengeschicbte, xix. i. 35. 



INTRODUCTION. 5 

from Rome. 1 Those were the three nations in which, with 
the Lombards, Christendom consisted in the West after the 
Spanish disaster. Charlemagne also freed the Pope from 
the enmity of the Lombards ; he made him the Frankish 
Patricius, so that he ceased dating his bnlls by the 
years of the reigns of the Greek emperors, and drew him 
completely into the sphere of the newly founded world. 
Thus did the Pope become the ecclesiastical head of the 
Latino- Teutonic nations. He became so in those very 
days in which the Arabs became powerful and advanced ; 
his new dignity assuaged the enmity of the hostile races, 
and effected a material reconciliation between them. But 
they were only able to cope with the enemy, when relying . 
on the power of the Pepins and the empire of Charlemagne. 
Merit is due to Charlemagne for having united all the 
Latino- Germanic nations of the Continent, in so far as they 
were Christians, or were becoming so. Egbert, moreover, 
who made the heptarchy of the Angles a single monarchy, 
was his disciple— for having given them a constitution suited 
alike for war and peace, and for having taught them to ad- 
vance again against their enemies along the Danube, to the 
east of the Saale and Elbe, and across the Pyrenees. But 
all had not yet been done. There appeared on one side 
the Hungarians, irresistible at all points, with their fleet 
horses and their arrows ; and simultaneously on the other, 
on all coasts, the Normans, Vikings, and Askemans, alike 
daring by sea and land. But at this very time the sovereign 
rule of Charlemagne perished through the mistakes made 
by his successors, who only received nicknames for their 
follies, so that the danger was renewed. It may be said 
that the migration of nations did not cease before these 
movements calmed down. The Hungarians were driven 
back, and became Christians ; and at the same time the 
contiguous Slavish nations became Christian also. One 
and other of them long vacillated between the Eomish and 
the Greek form of worship before — and this is doubtlessly 
due to the influence of the German emperors— they decided 
for the former. It will not be said that these peoples 
belong also to the unity of our nations ; their manners and 
their constitution have ever severed them from it. At 
1 Notes in Plank, vol. ii. 680 seq. 



b LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

that time they never exercised any independent influences, 
they only appear either subservient or antagonistic; the 
waves of the general movements sometimes reach them, 
and, so to say, die away there. But the Normans of 
German origin were drawn into the circle of the other 
nations, and established themselves in France and England. 
They retaliated by carrying German life in the eleventh 
century across to Naples and Sicily. Their kindred at 
home had also meantime become Christians, and, saving 
an insignificant remnant, completely entered into the circle 
to which they naturally belonged. 

Here, then, in the middle of the eleventh century, the 
movements of the migration of nations ended. The future 
development of the European languages, an intellectual 
fruit of these stormy centuries, had now been laid in all 
its unity and diversity. If we glance at the French form 
of oath prescribed at Strasburg, we fancy we find therein 
traces of the Italian, French, and Spanish dialects all at 
once. As this points to the unity of the Latin dialects, 
so does the fact that they have been recently combined in 
a single grammar bear still greater testimony to the unity 
of the G-er manic dialects. The foundations of all modern 
kingdoms and their constitutions had been laid. Empire 
and Papacy were held in universal regard; the former 
represented the Teutonic, the latter the Latin principle of 
the great union of nations ; the one supported the other. 



2. 

After this, the original migratory impulse took a different 
turn, owing to the fact that it coalesced with a complete 
devotion to Christianity. The Crusades may almost be 
regarded as a continuation of the migration of nations. 
The same people that had concluded it, viz., the Normans, 
took, of all concerned, a most vigorous part in the first 
Crusade. In this they were not only led by three eminent 
princes, namely, Eobert of Normandy, whom the old 
chroniclers place above the supreme commander in point 
of nobility, wealth, and even intellectual excellence, 1 Bohe- 

1 Passage from Eadulfus Cadomensis in Wilken Kreuzziige, i. 80. 



INTRODUCTION. 7 

nmnd of Tarento, whose participation contemporaries 
rightly connected with his operations against the Greeks 
and Tancred, bnt by so many more, 1 that a war, that was 
then being waged, had to be brought to a close, owing to 
dearth of warriors. It may perchance be a Norwegian, St. 
Olaf, who was the first to adopt the cross both for himself 
and his army, when engaging in war. 2 

The great armed pilgrimages to Jerusalem in the 
eleventh century appear to have originated with the Nor- 
mans ; the successful issue of them is at all events 
ascribed to them before all others by Roger Hoveden. 3 
All the Latino- Germanic nations shared in this new enthu- 
siasm. In the first expedition we find Spaniards, the 
counts of Cerdan and Caret. 4 Lopez de Yega has left us 
a grand poem, immortalizing the meritorious services of 
the Castilians in the Holy Land. As early as the year 
1121, Sigurd of Norway earned the name of Jorsalafar 
(pilgrim to Jerusalem) ; of the other nations it is known 
that they also took part in it. Never did a foreign nation, 
and only on one occasion did a foreign prince, Andrew of 
Hungary, participate therein, and he only did so as being 
the leader of an upper German expedition, and he was, 
besides, the son of a French mother. The Crusades are 
in the main entirely and solely undertakings of the Latin 
and German nations. 

Now let us observe how these Crusades caused our 
nations to extend on all sides and in all directions. Their 
goal was, it is true, the Holy Land, yet they went to the 
coast of the Mediterranean besides, and not to that land 
alone. The Latin Empire at Constantinople would, had 
it longer existed, have turned the whole Greek Empire into 
a Latino-German one. 

Had it not been for St. Louis' ill-luck, Egypt would 
have become a colony of France ; and there appeared at 
that time a sensible, and beyond all doubt instructive 
book upon the relations between the East and the West, 

1 Gaufredus Monachus de acquisitione Sicilise, iv. 24. 

2 Gebhardi. Geschichte von Norwegen und Danemark, i. 380. 

3 In Hugo Grotius. Prolegomena ad histor. Gothorum, p. 60. 

4 Mariana, Hist. Hisp. x. c. 3. Oapmany, antiqua Marina de 
Cataluna, i. 124. 



8 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

written with the express intention of inciting to renewed 
operations against Egypt. 1 In the year 1150 King Eoger 
of Sicily — known as Eogier Jarl the Eich among his old 
countrymen — had possession of the coasts of Africa from 
Tunis to Tripolis, and occupied Mahadia. 2 But the most 
important and permanent achievements in the southern 
world were, without doubt, due to the Spaniards. Their 
Campeador, the Cid, lived to see the Crusades. In those 
selfsame times they first succeeded in holding Toledo and 
the valley of the Tagus, which Aldefons imperator had just 
conquered, against the violent attack of the Almoravides, and 
then advanced under Alonso Eamon and took the valley of 
the Guadiana ; (at the extreme limit of his actual conquests, 
for all the rest were again lost, under a widespreading oak 
upon the Muratal Mountains, Alonso breathed his last) . In 
the same period they gained under Alonso the Noble the 
great battle of Navas de Tolosa, and set foot on the Guadal- 
quivir. 3 And finally, at that very time, shortly before the 
first Crusade of St. Louis, St. Ferdinand subdued Jaen, 
Cordova, and Seville, and as Granada paid him tribute, the 
whole of Andalusia also, whilst, shortly before the second 
Crusade, Alonso the Wise subjected Murcia. In these 
days Portugal was founded and established as a kingdom. 
The union of Aragon and Catalonia, the conquest of 
Yalencia, and the exploits of the Conquistador Jayme fall 
also into this period. 

And all this is closely connected with the expeditions to 
the Holy Land. The Archbishop Eichard of Toledo, who 
came to Eome with a host of Crusaders, was sent back 
again by the Pope, because both he and they were more 
indispensable at home ; and instead of leading them against 
Jerusalem he now led them against Alcala. 4 We know 
that it was chiefly Low-Germans, English, and Flemish, 
who, proceeding on a Crusade, conquered his capital for 
the prince, who first called himself King of Portugal ; 5 
and that seventy years later Alfonso II.'s most brilliant 

1 Marini Sanuti liber Secretorum fidelium Cruris in Bongars. 

2 Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen, i. 557. 

3 All taken from Rodericus Toletanus, de rebus Hispanise. 

4 Rodericus, vi. 26. 

5 Dodechini Appendix ad Marianum Scotum. Pistor. i. 676. 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

conquest was only effected by the same assistance. 1 In 
short, the conquest of the peninsula was only achieved by 
the co-operation of kindred races. Out of the plunder of 
Almeria, Alonso Ramon gave a splendid jewel to the 
Genoese as a thankoffering for their services. In the 
battle of Navas de Tolosa many thousands from beyond 
the Pyrenees 2 fought in the army of Alonso the Noble. 

Concurrently with these operations and progressive ad- 
vances of our nations on the coasts of the Mediterranean 
and in the South generally, there were others being carried 
on in the North which were prompted by the same spirit. 
Sigur Jorsalafar, whom we have referred to, made it his 
first business, after his return, to land at Calmar and to 
coerce the Smalandic heathen, man by man, to embrace 
Christianity. With the same object in view Eric the Holy 
led the Swedes against the Finns. He shed tears on 
seeing the battle, but did not stay his hand until he had 
baptized the Finns in the springs of Lupisala. On the 
occasion of the second Crusade, on the receipt of a bull 
from Pope Eugene, the Danes, Saxons, and Westphalians 
leagued together to make a common expedition against 
the neighbouring Slavs, resolved either to convert them 
to Christianity, or else to exterminate them. 3 Not long 
after this, Bishop Meinhard came with traders and artisans 
from Wisby to Estonia to preach there. These three 
undertakings led, if not immediately, at all events by 
degrees, to a brilliant success. On our side of the Oder the 
Slavs were, by the times of the Crusades, as good as 
perfectly exterminated. German nobility, German citizens 
and peasants were the real stock of the new inhabitants of 
Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Brandenburg and Silesia. Since 
that time the Eastern Pomeranians have not been called 
by the Western aught else than Saxons. 4 

At last, in the year 1248, after long struggles, Finnland 
became entirely Christian and Swedish. 5 Since that date 

1 Gotefridi Monachi Annales, 284. 

2 Epistola Alfonsi VIII. ad pontificem de belis, etc. in. Continuat. 
belii sancti, Basle, 1549, p. 246. 

3 Anselm Gemblacensis Abbatis Chronicon. Pistor, i. 965. 

4 Kanzow. Pomerania, i. 216. 

5 Schoning in Schlozers Allgera. nord, Geschichte, 474. 



10 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

Swedes dwell along the whole coast, and in the strong- 
holds there. Proceeding from the unpretentious colony, 
Yxkull, the German rule extended over all Estonia, 
Livonia, and Courland ; nay, when the " Knights of the 
Sword," who had been established there, despaired of 
being able to defend a certain fortress against the Prus- 
sians, 1 in spite of a great display of bravery, they were 
instrumental in bringing the " German Knights " to their 
assistance, who then made the land of the Letti a German 
country. A short time longer, and the joint possessions of 
both orders extended from Danzig to Narva. Here they 
met the Pomeranians, who were now either entirely 
germanized or partially so, owing to their subjection under 
Emperor and Empire. Here, on the Gulf of Finland, they 
became neighbours of the Swedes. The German name 
embraced the whole Belt. 

To the sphere of these events belong the operations of 
Henry Plantagenet in Ireland. He brought it to pass that 
thenceforth two nations co-existed in Ireland — the native 
Irish, the subjected, and the Anglo-Germanic, the domi- 
nant, which latter, if it was not actually planted, was yet 
settled and established there by him. 2 At that time Venice 
taught the Dalmatians to speak Italian. This event must 
also be comprehended in our survey, for it is a new ex- 
tension of our nations ; and the Pope likewise instigated 
the attack upon Ireland, because that land would never 
obey him. 

Yet, in order not to depart from the principle we have 
laid down, both those undertakings must be principally kept 
in view, viz., the Northern and the Southern, both which 
were sprung of the same tendency, and were carried out 
by the same arms, under the same symbols, and often with 
the assistance of the same men. They show the unity of 
our nations in idea, in action, and in development. 

But this principle is most clearly visible in the Crusades 
of the South and the North. This stirring energy, the 
result of an intellectual impulse, expanding in all direc- 
tions, found a fitting expression in those noble institutions 

1 Dusburg in Script, rer. Pruss. i. 35. 

2 Hume's Hist, of England, i. c. ix. p. 281. 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

and creations which belong to it, and belong to it 
exclusively. 

Two alone we will dwell on. War may arouse every 
brutal passion in our nature, but it is the province of 
chivalry to save the true man, to soften force by manners, 
and the elevating influence of women, and to refine strength 
by pointing it to what is divine. Its origin, in this sense, 
is coeval with the formation of the two first ecclesiastical 
orders of knighthood, and the zenith of its bloom coincides 
beyond doubt with the foundation of the third. After the 
Crusades had passed by, it did not die out, but took 
another development which was different in different lands. 
It never spread to other nations. Even the Johannites 
and Templars never owned a province in any other nation, 
at most a few possessions. The " German Knights " stood 
in constant contrast to the Letti and the Slavs. One noble 
blossom of chivalry is the poetry of these times. If it is 
true, as seems to be the case, that the story of Bechadas, 
by Godfrey de Bouillon, was the first novel, 1 and if the 
cycle of tales of Charlemagne and Arthur are, as appears 
very probable, immediately connected therewith, it is evident 
what a great share the Crusades have had in the founda- 
tion of modern poetry. It binds all our nations exclusively 
together. The prefaces to the "Wilkina," and the 
Niflungasaga, confess that these were fashioned in Iceland 
after German models. 2 No other people had any share 
in it. 

But war was not waged by knights alone, the freedom of 
the towns was also warlike. Their origin, in the case of all 
our nations, dates from the same, — that is this time. The 
first consuls of the Italian communities, chosen by them- 
selves, and upon the selection of whom their whole freedom 
depended, appear contemporaneously with the first Crusade, 
in the year 1100. Beyond all question, we meet with them 
first in Genoa on the occasion of an expedition to the Holy 
Land. 

In the course of our period they procured for themselves 

1 Passage from Gottfried de Bigeois by Eichhorn, Gesch. der Cultur 
und Literatur d. neuern Europa, i. p. 82. 

2 Prcemium. quoted in Eichhorn. Geschichte der Cultur. Erlauter- 
ungen, p. 125. 



12 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

the full powers of the old royal counts. 1 As early as the 
year 1112, we meet with the same institutions in France, 
free communities under magistrates and ma j ores of their 
own election. In the same way as the king under the 
oriflamb, the standard of St. Denis — a device which appears 
to be the true origin of this imperial banner — so do all the 
communes, each under the standard of its local saint, take 
the field with him. 2 The cities in Castilia, because of their 
martial ardour, were, in the year 1169, given a seat in the 
Cortes ; and in the battle of Navas their assistance does 
not appear to have been the most insignificant. The 
German cities, in the course of the same period, by freeing 
themselves from their bailiffs, developed to independent 
unions. 3 During the reign of Henry III. the English towns 
were summoned to Parliament. 4 It was in Gottland, upon 
Swedish soil, that Wisby flourished. Enough ; hand in 
hand with chivalry and the crusades, cities developed both 
in freedom and importance throughout the Latin-Germanic 
nations from north to south. In the same way as the 
peculiarities of our poetry are due to chivalry, so does our 
peculiar architectural style appear to be due to the cities. 
In this self- same period it developed from the flat roof 
and the semi-circle to those beautiful symmetrical pro- 
portions we admire in the facade of the cathedral at 
Strasburg, in the choir at Cologne, in the spire of Freiburg, 
and in the whole edifice at Marburg — of the year 1235 — as 
well as in the cathedrals of Sienna, Rouen, and Burgos. 

Neither in chivalry nor yet hi the development of the 
cities have other nations had a share. As late as the year 
1501, the Russians of Moscow begged that a knight, — an 
iron man, as they expressed it, — should be sent them, and 
marvelled at him as a wonder. The gates of the cathedral 
at Novgorod are the work of Magdeburg craftsmen. 

Let us dwell yet upon another phenomenon. In the same 
way that the migration of nations was accompanied by the 
establishment of the Empire and the Papacy, did the struggle 

1 Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter, iii. 100- 
121. Sismondi, Histoire des republ. ital. i. 373, from Caffaro. 

2 Ordericus Vitalis in Du Gauge, sub Commune. Velli, Hist, de 
France, iii. 93. 

3 Document of the year 1255 in Vogt's Rheinische Geschichte, i. 426. 

4 Woltmann, Englische Geschichte, ii. 121. 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

between these twain forces arise ont of the Crusades. It is 
not merely a struggle between the Emperor and the Pope ; 
its relations to all those confessing the Roman faith are 
patent and evident. The quarrel between Henry II. of 
England and Thomas a Becket is quite analogous to it, 
both in respect of the interests the combatants had at 
stake, as well as in the kind of weapons they employed. 
The two princes and the two ecclesiastics were allied ; this 
quarrel concerns moreover all our nations. Frederick I. 
had Swedes in the army with which he invaded Italy in 
1158 ; 1 it was mainly English gold that supported the 
popes in their struggles at Naples. The internal affairs of 
Castile act and react upon the history of Conradin. 2 
Charles of Anjou, who brought these wars to a close, was 
the brother of the French king. It could not but be that 
internal dissensions influenced external. It was natural 
that in the midst of his Italian wars he should sigh for 
Asia, where the strength and energy he lavished upon 
them would have guaranteed him more genuine glory and 
more perfect happiness. 3 But also the internal forces 
destroyed themselves. The Papacy was in error in be- 
lieving that it had gained in strength by the fall of the 
Hohenstaufen. Conradin had not yet been forty years 
dead, when it fell into the captivity of the French kings. 
Since that time it has never again been the old Papacy. 
Which of our nations could say that it has not been un- 
affected by this ? 

We may distinguish two periods, in respect of these ex- 
ternal enterprises ; the first is that, when they begin in 
all their first freshness and when they fill all thoughts and 
hearts. The second period is that of their continuation, 
their effects and results. If this strikes the professional 
eye at the first glance in the migration of nations, it is 
almost even more striking in the case of the Crusades. 

After the decay and fall of the two great powers, and 
when the universal interest in external operations had, in 
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, gradually cooled 

1 Dalin, Schwedische Geschichte, ii. 88. 

2 Raumer, Hohenstaufen, iv. 586. 

3 Raumer from Ricobald, ii. 411. 



14 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

down, there arose in the heart of onr nations, so to say, a 
universal war of all against all. It was those that be- 
longed most closely together that quarrelled most violently. 
The Provencals and Catalan are of one stock ; but, owing 
to the pretentious claims of their princes, — the houses 
of Anjou and Barcelona, — to Naples, they at that time 
fell into an enmity that lasted for centuries. It was in 
this struggle that Naples and Sicily became sundered. 
Portugal was originally a fief of the crown of Castile. 
After this feudal bond had become severed, the pride of 
both nations caused a deadly hatred to take root in them. 
Moreover, the party of the Nunez and Gamboa pervaded 
the whole of Spain. Civil wars were only now and again 
interrupted by a campaign against the Moors, at other 
times it was the reverse. In Italy G-uelphs and Gibellines, 
whose names scarcely existed before the commencement of 
the thirteenth century, 1 nursed and fostered a feud that 
divided up the whole land, town from town, and almost 
house from house. Owing to the strife between their royal 
houses, not, as was formerly the case, for a few fiefs, but 
for the crown itself, France and England became locked 
in deadly wars. At first it was France that was con- 
vulsed by English arms and a great English party ; and 
then England itself was torn by the wars of the white and 
the red rose. In Germany, races and families fought to- 
gether no less ; Suabians and Swiss are both Alemans, but 
they now fell into deadly feud. Austrians and Bavarians 
are the same race ; the battle of Muhldorf shows how little 
they regarded it. Franconia became split up into the 
opposing factors of knightly and ecclesiastical possessions. 
Wars of succession, wars of children against their fathers, 
and wars between brothers, laid waste Thuringia and 
Meissen. Brandenburg and Pomerania were both peopled 
by Saxon colonists ; but the pretentious claims of the 
Brandenburg princes to the country of the Pomeranians 
became a great offence between them, and in Pomeranian 
chronicles the people of the Mark are always mentioned 
with dislike. Besides this, we have the rising of princes 
against the sovereign power, and of freeholders against the 

1 Muratori de Guelfis et Gibellinis, Antiquitat. Ital. iv. 607, 608. 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

princes ; and, in cases where they were immediate subjects 
of the Empire, a rising of the knights against the cities ; 
whilst in the cities the guilds rose against the families. 
Frequently, also, the crown was the object of contention. 
And it is not alone nations and races, states and cabinets, 
that regulate public affairs, but families, corporations, and 
individuals, everyone in each matter for himself as best as 
he may. 

In this state of things it might be thought it were 
scarcely possible that the unity of an empire, let alone the 
collective body of our nations, could have been preserved. 
The part j divides, but it also unites. It is mainly the 
Anglo-French wars that act and re-act upon the rest of the 
European complications, and bind them all together. What 
could appear to be wider apart than the rebellion of 
oppressed Scots against the English, and the struggle of 
Albert and Adolph for the crown of G-ermany ? The 
battle of Cambus Kennet, in which the English were 
defeated, and that of Hasenbiihel, in which Adolphus fell, 
both in the year 1298, are all the same intimately con- 
nected. Albert was allied with the French, and through 
them with the Scots, Adolph with the English. The 
English party in Europe was defeated in both battles. 
The quarrel - between Louis of Bavaria and Charles of 
Luxemburg for the same crown of G-ermany was decided 
not so much in G-ermany, as by the battle of Cressy. 
Shortly before it took place, Charles had been raised 
with all pomp to the regal chair by four Electors ; im- 
mediately after it — his party, the French, had lost — we 
see him hurrying back to Bohemia reft of dignity and 
power; but Louis sends and solemnly receives English 
embassies. 1 

In the interest of these two parties, and mainly with 
their assistance, Peter the Cruel and Henry of Trastamar 
waged their war for the crown of Castile. Peter's avarice 
having driven the Black Prince, who had assisted him, to 
the "Foagium," and the "Foagium" having goaded the 
latter' s vassals to discontent, 2 which resulted in the decay 
of the English power in France, while Henry, on the 

1 Albertus Argentinensis apud Urstisium, ii. 139. 

2 Le premier volume de Messire Jehan Froissart, f. 136. 



16 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

other hand, conquered with the French in Spain, it may be 
said that the English power had begun to wane in Spain. 
Other threads connect these events with affairs in Holland 
and Guelder s, in Aragon and Sardinia, and in Venice and 
Genoa ; hence, not much credence can be placed in the 
assertion, so often made, that the nations in the Middle 
Ages were isolated from each other. Even great intellec- 
tual movements pass through them all, and testify to their 
internal unity. About the year 1350 we find, almost as in 
these times in which we live, a general tendency to re- 
generate constitutions. Let us remark that it was then 
(1347) that Cola Bienzi, the Italian zealot, actually restored 
the good old state of things, as he called it — that is, a kind 
of republican form of government at Eouie ; further, that 
in those times (1356) plebeians and doge of Venice leagued 
together against the nobles, in order, in one murderous 
night, to restore their old rights ; and that, at the same 
time (1355), in France, a first assembly of estates of the 
realm promised both to live and to die with the king, but 
did not a little curtail his rights ; a second demanded 
reforms and presented a list of twenty-two high persons 
who were to be deposed from office ; whilst a third finally 
ushered in a complete revolution, and forced the dauphin 
to don their red and green cap. 1 These movements were 
illegal and transitory. Others, at the self-same time, con- 
fined themselves within narrower limits and had more 
durable results. In Aragon, in 1348, in the place of the 
violent power of the union, the lawful influence of a 
Justicia became established. 2 For the first time in their 
history (under Edward III.) the Commons of England in- 
sisted upon the responsibility of the King's council ; and, 
perhaps in Germany also, it was similar intellectual move- 
ments which, in 1356, caused Charles IV. to grant the 
" Golden Bull," that fundamental law of the German 
Empire for centuries to come. At all events, the first 
union of the provinces into estates, in Brunswick, in 
Saxony (1350) and in other countries, took place at the 
same time. 3 Is it possible that this coincidence is acci- 

1 Villaret, Histoire <\e France, vol. ix. from page 147 on. 

2 Hieronymi Blancae rerum Aragon Commentarii, p. 810. 

3 Eickhorn, Deutsche Staats-und Rechtsgeschichte, iii. sec. 424 note. 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

dental? The common development of our nations will 
necessarily have produced the same ideas in all. 

In the midst of these movements, in the same way as the 
after effects of the old feud between Emperor and Pope 
made themselves occasionally felt, the minds of men turned 
ever and anon towards the East and a common expedition 
against the Infidels. The Pope frequently encouraged the 
enterprise. In novels, tales, and popular books, the general 
tendency was at once ventilated and nourished. In the four- 
teenth century the Pastoureaux in France and in England 
believed that the conquest of the Holy Land was to be the 
work of the shepherds and peasants, and set out with this 
end in view. 1 As late as the end of the fifteenth century, in ' 
the year 1480, many of the citizens of Parma fastened a red 
cross upon their shoulder, and pledged themselves to fight 
against the Infidels. 2 It was chiefly in Spain and Portugal, 
where the Moorish campaign was continued at intervals, and 
finally led to an attack upon Africa, that the crusading 
spirit was kept alive. 

3. 

It was this crusading spirit that gave birth to colonisa- 
tion. The following book will show us how the first dis- 
coveries and colonies are in a twofold manner connected 
with the Moorish war ; firstly, by expeditions against 
Africa, whence proceeded the scheme for the conquest of 
India, and secondly, by the idea of defending and extending 
Christendom. 

The intentions of the Portuguese were immediately 
directed at the heart of the Arabian faith. They desired 
to avenge Jerusalem upon Mecca. Their victories are 
once again fought and won in the enthusiasm of Crusaders. 3 
The Spanish operations, on the other hand, being- directed, 
as they were, against heathen, and not against Moham- 
medans, renewed rather the idea of the Northern Crusades. 
A gift of the Pope, a proclamation that " the enemy must 
be converted to Christianity or utterly destroyed," con- 

1 This work, p. 43. 

2 Diarium Parmense in Muratori Scrip. Reruna Ital. xxii. 349. 

3 Chronicon Monspeliense in Du Cange sub Pastorelli. 

C 



18 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

tains all the right to this proceeding. 1 The peasants 
too, whom Bartholomew de Las Casas intended to lead 
upon a more peaceful expedition to Cumana, wore each a 
red cross. 2 

As a fact, in both Spain and Portugal, migration of 
peoples, crusades, and colonisation form only one single and 
connected event. The " poblaciones," which moved from 
the Asturian hills to the coasts of Andalusia and Africa, 
and which were established as early as 1507 in Almeria, 
and in 1512 in Oran, now begin on the other shore of the 
Atlantic Ocean. 3 The Spaniards pride themselves on no- 
thing so much as that they planted there, instead of bar- 
barian peoples, as they say. the sons and descendants of 
illustrious Castilian families. 4 The five million white 
men, who are to be found there, are real Spaniards. A 
million Portuguese dwell in Brazil. An almost equal 
number, although degenerated, may be distinguished on 
the coasts of Africa, and in the East Indies. Colonisation 
on such a great scale may be regarded as migrations. 
Another idea that animates colonisations, and which they 
have in common with the Crusades, is the propagation of 
Christianity. A third that is peculiar to and characteristic 
of them, is the idea of the discovery of the world, — of 
itself one of the greatest — a scheme embracing the human 
race and the whole earth. It was promoted and fostered 
by greed for the spices of India, for the gold of America, 
and for the pearls of the unknown seas, as well as by the 
interests of trade. 5 

It is not necessary to describe the gradual participa- 
tion of our peoples in these events (at least the share 
the Italians had in these discoveries) ; and it is unneces- 
sary to prove at length, that they are exclusively peculiar 
to them. Other nations now and again took part in these 
movements, but, as a matter of fact, pursued other aims. 
The unity of a people cannot be better seen than in a 

1 Hoieda's proclamation in Robertson's Hist, of America, i. p. 516. 

2 Oviedo, dell' historic dell' Indie, vol. xix. 

3 Oviedo, Historia de la Conquista y poblacion de Venezuela. Cf. 
Schaffer, Brasilien, p. 32. 

4 Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos I. 189. 

5 Sandoval, Historia del Emperador Carlos I. 189. 



INTRODUCTION. 19 

common undertaking ; and wherein can the unity and the 
cohesion of several nations, like ours, be better demon- 
strated ? The undertakings which we have here referred 
to, although continued through many centuries, are 
common to them all. They connect both the times and 
the peoples. They are, if I may so say, three great respi- 
rations of this incomparable union. 



BOOK I. 



FIKST CHAPTEE. 

THE RELATIONS OF FRANCE AND ITALY. — EXPEDITION OF 
CHARLES VIII. TO NAPLES. 

1. France and Charles VIII. 

TWICE during the Middle Ages did the Capets conquer 
France. They went forth from their dukedom France, 
encountered the Eudons of Blois and the Plantagenets of 
Anjou, and were once cut off on all sides from the sea-coast. 
But Philip Augustus possessed himself of the provinces of 
North France, and St. Louis of Provence, whilst Philip the 
Fair subjected the Pope to his crown. This is the first con- 
quest : by the direct line of Hugo Capet. After his line 
had become extinct, the kingdom was the bone of contention 
between his male descendants, the Yalois, and the female 
line, the kings of England. King Edward III. of England 
once held half France ; on another occasion, one of his suc- 
cessors, Henry V., was in possession of Paris, and even of 
the crown. It may be described as being a second con- 
quest, when Charles VII. of Valois again got the upper 
hand of the English. It was the Maid of Orleans that 
opened him the gate to victory. She restored to him the 
Champagne province ; but he owes the recovery of his capital, 
of Normandy, G-uyenne, and the complete mastery over the 
country to the Dukes of Burgundy and Bretagne. 

Yet the assistance rendered by the great vassals entailed 
the consequence, that the king was after all not completely 
sovereign. Louis XI., who was made to feel this — he had 



CH. I.] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII. 21 

one day to come and implore peace of the armed barons, — 
determined to put himself into full possession of the sove- 
reign power. He was very suspicious, very shrewd, and 
discerning enough besides. Yet these qualities would not 
have enabled him to attain his object, had not, as though 
by a providential intervention, the Dukes of Berry, Bur- 
gundy, Anjou, and Bretagne all deceased without leaving 
sons. The first-named, his brother, he succeeded without 
any opposition. In the case of the heiress of the second, her 
husband, Maximilian of Austria, failed to uphold her claim 
to Burgundy and the cities on the Somme. In order to 
have peace, he was besides obliged to consent to the mar- 
riage of his daughter, Margaret, with the Dauphin, and 
to assign to the French Artois and the free county as her 
dowry. The third, however, Rene of Anjou, who styled 
himself king of three kingdoms,^ duke of three duchies, 
and count of three counties, 7 might have made over the 
countries that he actually possessed, and his rights to the 
rest, to his grandson, Rene of Lorraine ; but he himself was 
not in favour of such a course. He had hoped one day to 
be able to bring Lorraine to Anjou ; and only because he 
had been taken prisoner had he acquiesced in that mar- 
riage of his daughter, of which his grandson was the issue. 
Should he, then, now go so far as to allow his hereditary 
lands to pass to Lorraine ? The young prince would not 
even agree to exchange his arms of Lorraine for those of 
Anjou. 2 Ill-pleased at this, Rene appointed his nephew 
Charles, bearing the name and the arms of Anjou, as his 
heir. 3 The latter, who was also not blessed with issue, seven 
years later doth, as the chronicle says, for the sake of G-od, 
and the love which he bears King Louis, the son of his 
father's sister, assign to him the inheritance of all his king- 
doms, possessions, and rights : 4 thus the territories of Pro- 
vence and Anjou came directly to the Crown. 

It may be regarded as an historical event, that the great 
feudal countries in the South and East, in contrast to the 
neighbouring princes who belonged to the G-erman Empire, 

1 Pasquier, Recherches de la France, vi. p. 557. 

2 Gamier, Histoire de France, vol. 18, p. 462, from Le Grand MS. 

3 Testament in the Preuvres to Comines, ii. 1 18. 

4 Extraits du Testament, in the same, 182. 



22 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

were united with the French Crown. Bretagne alone re- 
mained ; bnt Louis had already purchased for his family 
the rights of the Penthievre in the country, rights that had 
already once partly caused a great English war. 1 

But, in order to defend this last bulwark of the vassal- 
power, Louis of Orleans, the nearest agnate of King 
Charles, who was still a minor, leagued himself with the 
Bretons and all the King's domestic and external foes. 
But at St. Aubin he lost the day, and now sat in captivity 
at Bourges. Things were now in this position. The re- 
bellion was hushed, yet not suppressed. Bretagne was, 
it is true, conquered, but yet ever ready to appeal afresh 
to arms, and was besides allied with the three most power- 
ful neighbours of the French, England, the Netherlands, 
and Spain, when Charles attained the age of nineteen 
years (1491), and began to take heart, and to be desirous 
of becoming his own master. He signalized his assump- 
tion of the reins of government by a grand and unexpected 
action. One evening he rode off from Plessis to the tower 
of Bo urges. He went to release the imprisoned duke, re- 
gardless of the fact that he had waged war upon him. He 
took him away with him. 2 They conversed and laughed 
together at table, and slept the night in the same bed. 3 
He had well considered this, " He would be called a good 
prince, and would have faithful servants." And by this 
act he put an end to the old feud between the barons and 
the Crown. Immediately thereafter, Orleans, the Conne- 
table, and many notables banded together, no longer, as was 
formerly the case, for the public, that is, the well-being of 
the vassals, but to obey and serve the King. That opened 
the way for Charles to effect the conquest of Bretagne. 
Dunois and other friends of the released Louis went to Or- 
leans, and addressed themselves to Anna, the heiress of 
Bretagne, who was betrothed to Maximilian, and already 
called herself Queen of the Romans. 4 

They represented to her that " Since Maximilian's first 

1 Garnier, from Le Grand MS., xviii. 452. 

2 Extrait d'une histoire de France up to 1510, by Th. Godefroy, 
Charles VIII., p. 165. 

3 Extrait d'une histoire de Louys, by Godefroy, p. 375. 

4 MS. of Brienne in Daniel, H. d. E. iv. 478. 



CH. I.] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII. 23 

marriage with Marie of Burgundy her country had not 
enjoyed a single day's peace ; that its wealth had become 
the prey of the Germans ; and that a still greater disaster 
was in store for Bretagne, because of the distance at which 
it lay." They brought it about, that Anna came to Charles' 
court at Langeais, and signed the document by which, for the 
preservation of an eternal alliance and peace between Crown 
and Duchy, she assigned to him all her rights in the latter, 
and he all his to her. 

By her marriage with the King she became Queen of 
France. 1 The day on which this took place, and before it 
was known abroad, it is told how Margaret, hitherto 
Charles' affianced bride, was seen walking sadly in the gar- 
den at Amboise. She told her attendant maidens she had 
dreamt she had lost a very brilliant and large jewel ; 2 and 
it was certainly her great misfortune, when it turned 
out that the jewel imported the crown of France. But 
what cared the Council of France for this, when it found 
that it was upon Charles' marriage, not with her, but with 
Anna, that the domestic peace of the realm depended? 
Personal obligations retired when the consolidation of the 
French realm and its unity was at stake. The inj ured neigh- 
bours took no steps against it. 3 The renewed idea of the 
unity of France was even in a certain way favourable to 
them. Maximilian concluded his peace at Senlis, recovering 
Artois and the free county, together with his daughter. 
Henry VII., satisfied with a sum of money, returned to 
England. When too King Ferdinand of Spain had got 
back Eousillion out of pledge — for Charles, mindful, pro- 
bably, of St. Louis, would not be burthened with foreign 
property — and had thereupon promised neither to ally his 
house with Henry, nor with Maximilian, nor yet with the 
Neapolitans, 4 and in nowise reserving the rights of the 
Church, to lend the latter his support ; when the old alli- 
ance between Castile and France had become renewed, king 

1 Contrat du mariage in the Preuves of Comines. 

2 Pasquier, Recherches, p. 586. 

3 The political relations, as they obtained in the summer of 1492, 
have been sketched in the oldest Venetian story of Zaccaria Contarini. 
Cf. S. W. vol. xii. p. 34 (note of the new edition). 

4 Zurita, Historia del Key Don Hernando, f. 6, 13, 18. 



24 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

with king, country with country, and man with man ; l — 
uhen, and then only did the French again enjoy perfect 
peace. It may be said that only now had the second con- 
quest of the whole land by the Valois been accomplished. 

Then did Charles journey in joy through the villages, 
which rose out of desolated places, to the towns, that now 
once more dared extend beyond their walls. During the 
next thirty years after Louis XI., almost a third of the 
houses in the realm were rebuilt and fitted with contrivances 
for trade. 2 The poor peasant, who in the midst of such 
great fertility could not obtain high prices for his produce, 
could scarcely, it is true, when the tax-gatherer came, find 
the money at which he was assessed ; 3 yet he needed no 
longer, as formerly, to fear either the English or the armed 
French, to hurry his goods and chattels into the church, 
and to leave his village. The King vouchsafed to them law 
and right. He himself lived with the nobles in his service, 
the heads of the great houses, who had been brought up at 
Court. 4 With them frequently were associated the second 
sons of the lower nobility, such as had neither inherited pro- 
perty nor had wished to enter the Church, 5 and who had 
learnt in a more illustrious house than their own, — perhaps 
with a trusty knight whom they had themselves chosen, or 
with a captain, to whom they had been assigned by the King 
— not the sciences that they did not esteem, but how to run, 
wrestle, throw, ride, and shoot with the bow, — in one word, 
the use of arms. 6 In them this free chivalry became de- 
veloped into a regular, quasi military service. We find 
them mainly in the frontier towns, in corps of thirty, fifty, 
and a hundred men, under a prince or lord who could afford 
the expense, and who, although he received some pay, de- 
voted as a rule his whole fortune to the service. Each had 
two archers, a young lad, who was trained up under him, 

1 Comines, Memoires ann. 1682, i. p. 581. Corio, Hist, of Milan, 
p. 899. 

2 Claude Seyssel. Louanges du bon Roy Louys XII., p. 128. 

3 Continuation of the Monstrelet, iii. p. 249. Macchiavell, Ritratti 
della Francia, p. 161. 

4 Tremouille's instance in the Memoirs, p. 121. 

5 Bayard's instance in the loyal serviteur, ch. 2. 

6 Chartier l'Esperance, p. 316. Notes to Trem. Memoires, p. 265, 
and Castiglione Cortegiano, ed. Venet. 1587, i. 81. 



CH. I.] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII. 25 

and a servant. They all went together on the campaign. 1 
They were called Hommes d'Armes. In times of peace one 
of them, in honour of his lady, would often institute a prize 
and invite all his neighbours to a tournament. In these 
they preferred to engage in masses rather than singly. 
Umpires sat, and after the dance in the evening, and the 
mass the next morning, the prize was awarded. Others 
wandered through Spain and Portugal, through England 
and Scotland, to try the prowess of their neighbours. They 
imagined themselves a Lancelot or a Tristran — with whom 
they were well acquainted; their king was to them an 
Arthur, or the great Charles of story. 2 This intellectual and 
vigorous movement gave new life to the French nobility. 
With them their King rode from tournament to tourna- 
ment. To humour them he called his son Eoland; and 
when they all had inclination for fresh enterprises and he 
with them, an expedition to Naples began to be talked of. 3 
Now Charles had from his youth up both heard and 
believed that Naples, which through the adoption of both 
Johannas had become an hereditary portion of the House 
of Anjou, had devolved legally upon him with Provence. 
At the time of which we speak, all doubt upon this point 
was removed by the will of the younger Johanna, which a 
G-enoese of the name of Calvo, a servant of the Queen, 
brought to his Court, having found it, as he alleged, among 
the papers of his deceased father. 4 Several members of Par- 
liament and several doctors of laws appeared before a full 
assembly of the princes of the blood royal and notables of 
the realm, and confirmed its validity. 5 The bastard of the 
Conqueror of Aragon, who occupied the throne of Naples, 
was declared an usurper. Prince Antonello of Salerno, a 
fugitive from Naples, had for a long time been the mouth- 
piece of many other fugitives at the Court of Prance ; did 
he now but tell the truth, how cruel and detested the 

1 Principal passages in Marineus Siculus, vol. 13, p. 428, and in 
Monstrelet, iii. 32. 

2 Instances in Bayard and Expilly's Supplement a l'histoire du 
Chevalier, p. 443. 

3 Histoire de Charles VIII., by Godefroy, 172. 

4 Senarega, Annales Genuenses-in Muratori, xxiv. p. 537. 

5 Carl Balbiano to Lodovico in Rosmini. Vita di Gian Giacomo 
Trivulzio, 1815, vol. ii. Monumenti inediti, p. 194. 



26 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

Aragon was, that was sure to move the young King to pity 
and to rouse his hopes. For some time past, the Cardinal 
Julian Rovere, who had fled from the Pope and the Ara- 
gons, and who had still fortresses and adherents in the 
States of the Church, also resided at the court. He like- 
wise urged the young King to undertake an expedition 
against Naples. The messengers and letters of Lodovico 
the Moor, Administrator of Milan, decided the matter. 
" How long wilt thou," he wrote, 1 " leave the inheritance of 
thy Crown a booty in a foreign land, and the name of 
France in contempt ? Thy people at Naples are oppressed 
and appeal to thee ; I will assist thee with money and 
arms, with man and horse. Half Italy is with thee, and 
G-od himself. Gird thyself, delay is ever hurtful. And 
thinkest thou never, Charles, on thy great forefather, who 
advised that a war against the Turks should be begun 
from this kingdom ? Sail from Brindisi to Avlona ; and 
thou crushest the Turks, who are at present engaging 
in battle against the Hungarians, before they are aware 
of thy coming. Thou wilt conquer the holy lands, 
where thy forefathers were once triumphant, and restore 
Jerusalem itself to Christendom and thy realm. Thou 
fillest the earth and the sea, yea, and heaven also with thy 
name." 

What Charles of Anjou had, in the thirteenth century, 
undertaken with no small prospects of success, appeared 
capable of being carried out by his successor, who had at 
his disposal the martial forces of France, and was ani- 
mated by the like chivalrous spirit. The throne of Naples, 
to which the title and right of Jerusalem belonged, once 
taken, and Charles VIII. would by the course of these 
events, the excitement of men's minds, as well as by right 
and power, become the chosen champion of Christianity 
against the common foe. Andre de la Yigne wrote a 
poem ; in it Christianity came flying across Mont Cenis 
into the garden of honour, where she found Charles and his 
nobles, complained to him of her sufferings, and renewed 
the prophecy of a young Charles, who had been crowned in 
his thirteenth year, and who again would crown her with 

1 Literce Ludovici in Corso, 891, 



CH. I.] FRANCE AND CHARLES VIII. 27 

everlasting praise. 1 To the same effect were the visions of 
the monk Spagnuoli and the physician Jean Michel. 2 
Master Guilloche, of Bordeaux, went still further. In his 
twenty-fourth year, Charles would have subjected Naples, 
and, in his thirty -third, the whole of Italy ; he would then 
cross the sea, be called King of Greece, and at last enter 
Jerusalem, and ascend the Mount of Olives. 3 The old 
dreams of Christianity, of an Eastern and a Western po- 
tentate, who should make all the world believers, had not 
yet been forgotten — those dreams which the G-ermans 
interpreted as applying to the last Eoman king : after his 
victory over the enemies of the faith, he would lay down 
his crown on Golgotha before the crucifix there appearing 
to him, and would die ; whereupon, with the advent of 
the Antichrist and Enoch and Elijah, the end of all 
things would be accomplished/ The Italians referred 
that prophecy to the King of France; in Jerusalem he 
would lay down his crown, and in death ascend up to 
Heaven. 5 

Charles was susceptible by nature to such ideas. In 
quite early years, when he was received in Troyes with the 
mystery of Goliath and David, he saw therein typified 
his war against the Turks ; he adopted the titles of Naples 
and Jerusalem — " especially the latter appeared to him the 
fairest prognosticon ; " 6 and forthwith, as though he meant 
to establish the Latin kingdom in the East, he had all the 

1 Andre de la Vigne in the Vergier d'honneur ; after Foncemagne's 
extract. 

2 Foncemagne in Histoire de l'Academie des inscriptions, xvi. p. 
246, and Memoirs, xvii. 548. This prophecy is also given, though in 
an incomplete form, by Pilorgerie, Campagne et bulletins de la grande 
armee d'ltalie, commandee par Charles huit, p. 431 ; la vision divine 
revelee a Jehan Michiel tres-humble prophete de la prosperity du tres- 
crestien roy de France, Charles VIII., de la nouvelle reformation du 
siecle et la recuperation de Hierusaleme a lui destinee, et qu'il sera de 
tous les roys de terre le souverain et dominateur sur tous les dominants 
et unique monarchie du monde. 

3 Foncemagne in the Memoirs of the Aeademie, xvii. 845. 

* Sebastianus Brandt, Revelatio Methodii, Basle. 1516. Preface of 
1497. 

5 Alexandra Benedetto. Diarium Expeditionis by Eckardus. vol. 
Script. Medii Aevi, ii. p. 1579. 

6 Balbian to Lodovico in Rosmini, ii. 19-4. 



28 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

rights of the Paleologers to Constantinople and Trapezunt 
ceded to him. 1 Tidings of the approaching expedition, for 
which all France was preparing, reached the Italian courts 
and cities. The army that Charles VIII. equipped did not 
consist alone of his French and the Italian refugees, but 
many comrades from other countries also joined the expe- 
dition. Eobert d' Aubigny, the brother of Matthew Stuart, 
who had shortly before taken part in the war against 
James IV. of Scotland, 2 and Scotch archers also arrived. 
The Hoks from the Netherlands, Philip of Eavenstein, who 
had just lost Sluys, and Engelbert of Cleve, who had lost 
Utrecht to Maximilian, 3 brought Flemish gunners 4 and 
German infantry. 5 The bailiff of Dijon brought Eudolph 
Schwend of Zurich 6 and several thousand Swiss with him. 
At the foot of the Pyrenees the Gascons collected in their 
numbers, whilst horses came from the coasts of Bretagne 
and from Portugal. 7 Ships were turned out of the dock- 
yards of Marseilles and Genoa, and mounted guns, which, 
as was said of the Charlotte, " sung accord out of hell." b 
The King meantime amused himself in Lyons. Good and 
generous towards everyone ; pious to the extent that only 
in trivial matters 9 would he take an oath upon himself, he 
lived entirely in youthful dreams of great exploits, and of 
eternal fame wod in the battle field. Whenever he busied 
himself with these plans, his forehead appeared high, his 
eye large and fiery, and his brows lifted. 10 But showing 
himself ignorant of the complications of the world, many 
attribute what he resolved and achieved to his servants. 11 
In personal appearance he was thin and malformed, 12 but 

1 Tractat in Foncemagne, Memoirs de l'Academie, xvii. 572-578. 

2 Buchananus Rerum Scoticarum hist. lib. 13, p. 457, ed. of 1624. 

3 Wagenaar, allgem. Geschichte der Niederlande, ii. 265. 

4 Willeneuf've, Memoirs, vol. xvi. 

5 Ferronus, Rerum Gallicarum, lib. i. p. 20. 

6 Stumpf-Schweizer Chronik, iii. 256. 

7 Corio, p. 899. 

8 Vergier d'honneur in Foncemagne, p. 588. Georgius Florus. 

9 Bayard, p. 14. Symphorian Champier in Godefroy, p. 314. 

10 Prophetie du Roi Charles in Foncemagne, Hist. xvi. 245. Bran- 
tome after the testimony of a lady, Eloge, p. 22. 

11 Comines, Guicciardini, Andre. 

12 Passero, Giornale, p. 72. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 29 

was at the same time very keen for all sorts of knightly 
games and military duties. Sometimes he hunted with his 
sparrow-hawk ; 1 and then it might happen that he saw a 
stripling exercising himself in a meadow, who was there- 
upon brought into his service. He made presents to the 
knights, who on their side again were liberal, and took 
part in the martial games which were held in the streets ; 
whilst at the corners the women sat upon benches and 
stages, exactly like what is told in knights' tales of King 
Arthur at Caerleon. 2 

In Italy, meanwhile, many did vows and prayers for his 
coming; 3 they loved to call him the most Christian Monarch, 
and said, " Blessed be he that cometh in the name of the 
Lord ! " 



2. The Situation in Italy. 

For about the last fifty years, two houses, which, owing 
to intermarriage, were almost one, had ruled over the 
greater part of Italy — to wit, the Sforza at Milan and the 
Aragon at Naples. Alfonso of Aragon and Francis Sforza 
had both simultaneously risen to fame in Italy. The first- 
named had not been long in possession of Naples when 
the latter seized Milan. Since that event their families 
had become allied, and spread in manifold affinities 
throughout Italy. The Este at Ferrara, the G-onzaga at 
Mantua, 4 the brothers Bentivogli, the princes of Urbino, 
Pesaro, Forli, almost all the heads of the States of the 
Church, and even some Neapolitan barons, 5 were among 
their connections. The power of the Aragon s, which had 
been founded by Alfonso I., was shrewdly and rigorously 
swayed by his natural son, Ferrante. Once, when the 
great barons called in John of Anjou, and delivered to 
him the whole country, save the capital, the House of 

1 Zurita, Historia del Key Hernando, f. 90. 

2 St. Gelais, Louis XII., p. 79. Histoire de Charles in Godefroy, 
p. 172. 

3 Benedictus in Eckardus, ii. p. 1579. 

4 Diario Ferrarese in Muratori, xxiv. p. 253, 279. 

5 Porzio, Congiura dei Baroni di Napoli, p. 29. 



30 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

Aragon seemed to be lost. At that time the Queen once 
fou^d herself compelled to sit with her little children at 
the convent of St. Piero at Naples with an alms-box before 
her, and to beg the labourers to do her voluntary work, and 
implore of other citizens a loan. 1 The dynasty and throne 
were only saved by the great barons agahi returning to 
their allegiance. The most distinguished of them was Fer- 
rante's brother-in-law, Count Marsico Sanseverino, whom 
the King in his compact styled the illustrious, the most 
powerful, and his saviour from the deepest misery ; he made 
over to him Salerno, with all the rights of the fiscus and 
coinage. 2 Sanseverino' s example was followed by the 
others, but they in no wise succeeded in gaining the 
King's favour. Of some of his confidantes, who were 
instrumental in beginning the rebellion, as, for instance, 
his brother-in-law, Balzo of Tarento, he ridded himself by 
force. 3 

King Ferrante, once more firmly on his throne, thought 
to secure it mainly by foreign alliances. His son Alfonso 
he married to the daughter of Francis Sforza ; the Popes 
Pius and Sixtus he gained over to him by enf eofiing, the 
nephew of the one with Amalfi, and that of the other with 
Sora. 4 Two men, who were invaluable to him, were 
entrusted with the conduct of home affairs, viz., Antonello 
Petrucci, and Francis Coppola. The former was his most 
intimate counsellor, to whom he was wont to refer every 
one. This man was often obliged to come out to him when 
on the chase, and then return in dust and dirt to the council 
in the city ; sometimes he had hardly crossed his threshold, 
when fresh messengers would summon him back, although 
it was night. In return for his services, two of his sons 
were made counts and another an archbishop. Petrucci 
himself, though originally quite poor, was at last enabled 
to build churches and castles. 

With the other, Francis Coppola, a merchant, the King 
entered into partnership. By allowing no one to buy, unless 

1 Pontanus, de bello Neapolitano, Haganose, fol. v. 4, S. 2. 

2 Pontanus, ibid. Dd. 4. Gg. 2. 

3 According to a document in Angelo di Costanzo, Istoria di Napoli, 
xix. 440, 467. 4 Costanzo, 466. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 31 

Francis had already done so, and by permitting no trading 
ship to come into port, nnless it had previously sold its 
cargo, as well as by treating the oil and wine market 
almost as a monopoly, he increased his gains to an extra- 
ordinary extent. Francis had in a short time a county, 
and an arsenal for his own ships. 1 By their advice and 
his own perseverance, the King became completely master 
of the country. The barons were obliged to maintain his 
stables. To his falconer he gave an abbey, and to the son 
of a Jew, in return for a sum of money, a bishopric. 2 The 
land was quite subject to him. He waged the wars of 
Italy. His power was steadily on the increase. 

Brought up in the atmosphere of Ferrante's covert 
shrewdness, his son Alfonso developed into a totally dif- 
ferent character, and one quite peculiar to the Italian 
princes of those times. They considered cruelty and licen- 
tiousness lawful things. To appear always in pomp — to 
hunt with hawks and falcons, which bore their arms in 
velvet and gold aloft into the air ; at home to be seen in 
gorgeous apartments, surrounded by savants, musicians, 
and artists of all kinds ; in public among the people to 
wear an imperious mien, and to be decorated with jewels ; 
to be witty and eloquent ; to command a goodly troop of 
soldiery, to perceive danger and to avert it : this appeared 
to them to be glorious and worth living for. There was no 
trace in them of the good qualities of human nature. 
They were unrighteous, and of true princely dignity they 
knew nothing ; justice they considered bondage. 3 

This ideal, which instead of the strength and power 
that it intends, seizes only their shadow and their sem- 
blance, Alfonso followed ; and whilst the others must be 
called generous, he was nothing less than niggardly. 4 
He showed that he considered Petrucci's and Coppola's 
wealth to belong to the royal house. Petrucci only 
shrugged his shoulders when he heard of it, and tried to 

1 Caraeciolus, de varietate fortunae in Muratori, Scriptores R. I. 
xxiv. p. 69. 

2 Comines, vi. ch. xi. Porzio, Congiura, 116! 

3 Corio, p. 839. Castiglione Cortegiano, p. 388, and in other places. 

4 Laurentii Medicei Epistola apud Fabronium, ii. 269. 



32 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [bI. I. 

pacify the King by making him New Year's presents. 1 
But .Coppola was differently minded. 2 He leagued him- 
self with the most powerful of the barons, Sanseverino of 
Salerno, who also felt himself in danger. Alfonso had 
been heard to say that Sanseverino looked almost like 
Balzo of Tarento. They met together by night in solitary 
places, devised plans for their protection, and gained over 
others also. 3 For all the barons began to fear Alfonso, as 
he threatened all who had not been zealous enough in 
assisting him in his military expeditions. 

They leagued themselves with Pope Innocent VIII., who 
would rather have been possessor of Naples than only its 
feudal lord, and for the second time arrayed themselves in 
open war against the House of Aragon. Three Sanseverinos, 
two princes and a count, three Balzos, two counts and a 
prince, were the conspirators. 4 Many others, among them 
Caracciolo of Melfi, gradually joined them. They pro- 
mised one another, with solemn vows, the Sacrament in 
their hands, to hold out together. But they were weak and 
undecided. After the first unfavourable issue they showed 
themselves inclined to come to terms; 5 when fortune 
favoured them, they again took up arms. 6 Their achieve- 
ments were insignificant. When Alfonso had defeated the 
Pope and had laid siege to the city of Aquila, which 
adhered to the baronial party and was their chief hope, 
and was at the same time advancing in the kingdom, they 
forgot their vows, promised one after the other what was 
demanded of them, and surrendered. 7 

The Aragons had now asserted their superiority in a still 
more decisive manner than heretofore, and with their own 
forces. They next, father and son, resolved to wreak ven- 
geance on their enemies. 

Coppola and Petrucci had only taken a very doubtful, 
and at all events a very insignificant, part in the war ; but 
they were the first victims of the peace. Ferrante pro- 

1 Caracciolus, p. 28. 2 Porzio, Congiura, p. 28. 

3 Porzio, Congiura, pp. 39-49. 

4 Lodovico de Kaimi, Annales Neapolitani, in Muratori, 23, 231. 

5 Macchiavelli, Istorie Fiorentine, viii. 343. Pontanus, bellum 
Neapol. H. h. 

6 Porzio. 80, 90. 7 Porzio, 186. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 33 

mised to marry one of his nieces to one of Coppola's sons, 
and to celebrate the marriage in the new castle. Coppola 
and Petrucci rode up thither, each on a perfumed mule, 
and in all gala pomp ; but as soon as they arrived both 
they and their sons were seized. They were all put to 
death. 1 The rest of the barons would have had time to 
escape on two barks, 2 and the Princess of Bisignan advised 
this course ; but one was hindered in this way and another 
in that, and so remaining they were all taken on a single 
day, 3 — three Sanseverinos, three Balzos, and a Carac- 
ciolo. The people saw their food taken to them every day 
into the prison ; but when the hangman was seen with 
the chain of the Prince of Bisignan, it was seen to have 
been all deception. In the church of St. Leonard, the 
patron saint of the captive, the Duke persuaded his father 
to commit the murder, and this executioner, or a slave, a 
Moor, did the deed. 4 Ferrante would scarcely listen to the 
expostulations of the Papal Nuntius on this matter. 
" Did not Pope Sixtus do with his rebels what he pleased ? 
I shall also do the same with mine." This was the whole 
of his answer. Having delivered himself of it, he ordered 
the horns to be wound, and rode to the chase. 5 But what 
he had devised for his security threatened to become his 
ruin. Many had fled to Rome, and now sent messages to 
Spain and to France to implore help. In France, Prince 
Antonello of Salerno, who had escaped from his clutches, 
aroused his real enemy. Those who still remained in the 
country only waited for the day when they could again 
take up arms against him. His first care was to provide 
that they never should find an opportunity of doing so. 
Such was the position of the Aragons in Naples. Lodo- 
dovico, the Moor of Milan, also owed to them his present 
position. 

After the eldest son of Francis Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, 
Duke of Milan and Lord of Genoa, had been murdered, his 
widow, the Duchess Buona, took quiet possession of his 

1 Caracciolus, 1, Raemi, 239. 

2 Literse Lutotii de Nasis in Fabionii Vita Laur. Med. ii. 352. 

3 Passe ro, Giornale Napolitano, p. 50. 

4 Angelo di Costanzo, 479. 

5 Infessura, Diarium Romanum, p. 1980. 

D 



34 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

lands and cities in the name of her son, John G-aleazzo, 
who was still a minor. This was very displeasing to Lodo- 
vico, G-aleazzo's brother, who, when sitting in the Corte 
dell' Arengha with the Municipal Council, had to take his 
orders from the Castle and the Council of State, and none 
the less so to the third brother, Ascanio. 1 But as soon as 
they agitated against it they were driven out. But a war 
which Ferrante began at that time with Florence, with 
which city Buona was allied, as well as Ferrante's assis- 
tance, enabled these two fugitives to show themselves on the 
frontier, and to stir up valley after valley in revolt, until 
they came to Dertona ; 2 whereupon, in a single day, forty- 
seven castles belonging to the discontents went over to them. 
The Borromei, Pusterli, Marliani, and all Grhibellines, rose 
in their favour. The disaffection spread even to Buona' s 
Court. Whilst this confusion was at its height, Lodovico re- 
turned, 3 and took upon himself the conduct of affairs. But 
the attitude which he now adopted was quite unexpected. 
Although supported by the Grhibellines and in good under- 
standing with the G-uelphs, he would neither be dependent 
upon the one nor the other, nor consent to see the heads of 
these families, his rivals, in power. The Grhibellines, owing 
to whom the power of the Visconti had been established in 
all the cities, which Corio emphatically styles " ducal," he 
deprived of their weapons and of their head, his brother 
Ascanio ; 4 he did not even spare those who had supported 
him in his flight ; nay, he surrounded himself with Biragi, 
Terzagi, and Trivulzi, who had retained their Gruelphish 
proclivities through centuries, and to their party he granted 
his favour and his castles. 5 Yet this was not done exclu- 
sively enough to gain to his side the whole party : its most 
distinguished head, John Jacob Trivulzio, was forced to 
seek safety in flight. With the House of Aragon he entered 
into the closest dynastic alliance. Of this house came the 
wife of his nephew, in whose name he governed. More- 
over, he attached the Pope Sixtus to his house by giving to 

1 Corio, Istoria di Milano, p. 840. 

2 Diarium Parmense in Muratori, 22, p. 319. 

3 Diarium Parniense, p. 351. Corio, p. 850. Macchiavelli, Istor. 
Fiorent. viii. 

4 Corio, p. 848. Diarium Parmense, p. 354. 5 Corio, 869. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 35 

his nephew, G-irolamo, Catherine Sforza to wife. He pro- 
cured the peace of Bagnulo for the republic of Venice, when 
all Italy was against her, by which event he increased her 
power and made her well disposed towards him. Upon this 
league he relied : for his power had sprung up externally. 
Under its protection he advanced step by step to the 
supreme power within. At first, Buona's favourite merely 
came into the Council of State in order to carry some point 
or other, and would say, " Her Serene Highness the Duchess 
will so and so." * OnLodovico's initiative the twelve-year- 
old Duke went one day into the castle, had the drawbridge 
pulled up, and the favourite made a prisoner. " I will 
rule myself," he said, " and my mother may look after her 
widowhood." 2 

After this, Lodovico shared the sovereign power for a 
time with Eustachio, the commander of the castle. After 
the Venetian war, the young Duke helped his uncle, into 
whose power he had entirely given himself, 3 to get rid 
of him also. Having thus acquired the sovereign power, 
Lodovico showed himself kind and affable towards every- 
one, and perhaps the use he made of his power caused 
the way in which it had been obtained to be forgotten. 
He provided for the building of hospitals, the digging of 
canals, the foundation of churches and monasteries, and 
the protection of the country from robberies and famine. 
In accordance with the taste of the time, he fostered art 
and science. He summoned Leonardo da Vinci to Milan to 
be the instructor of the young nobles, 4 and gave him a 
salary. He was the first to have music publicly taught. 
Jason de Maino, in Alciat's opinion one of the five 
first jurists of the Middle Ages, lectured in Pavia upon law 
to 3,000 students. Lodovico also honoured the gram- 
marians. Demetrius Chalkondylas, who saw his auditorium 
in Pisa grow empty owing to Politian's more brilliant 
lectures, repaired with his Florentine wife and his favourite 

1 Diarium Parmense in Muratori, p. 351. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, p. 523. Comines, Corio. 

4 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci, iii. 21. 

5 Jagemann, Geschichte der Kiinste und Wissenschaften in Italien, 
iii. 650. 



36 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

pupil, Johann Reuchlin, the teacher of the teacher of Grer- 
many, to his Court. 1 It cannot be said that the Prince laid 
out badly the 650,000 ducats which the country gave him. 
Bellizona's fetes and entertainments, in which the people 
fancied to perceive the hand of the Prince himself, enlivened 
his Court, as did also G-aspar Visconti, who was considered 
equal to Petrarch. 2 His farm at Vigevene was a chef 
d'ceuvre of rural economy. Here once had grown not even 
provender enough for the cattle, and no plant would 
nourish ; only wild animals made their lairs in the low 
brushwood. Lodovico, who was first carried thither in the 
chase, cut dykes, and thus made meadows for the cattle, 
and then, by bringing manure upon it, produced tillage 
land that vied with any other. 3 This done, he planted 
mulberry trees in long avenues, and lastly built spacious 
and cleanly stables with columns to hold 1,800 head of cattle 
and 14,000 sheep, and others for the stallions and mares. 4 
In this castle a son was born to him ; here woods were pre- 
served for the chase and hawking. 5 The bounteousness of 
peace rested on the land. Every day saw new fashions and 
amusements, jousts and balls. 6 It was of the utmost im- 
portance for him, so long as his rule was tolerated, to 
maintain the peace and the status quo in Italy, seeing that, 
were it disturbed, his ruin might easily ensue. But the 
present conditions depended, before all else, upon whether 
Lorenzo de Medici, the head of the Florentines, lived on 
the best of terms with the King of Naples and the ruler in 
Milan, or not. 

Francis Sforza, principally owing to the assistance of 
Cosimo di Medici, had now become Lord of Milan, and, to 
the vexation of Venice, the Medici and Sforza had since 
then been the best of friends. When, after G-aleazzo's 
death, the above-mentioned difference in the Sforza family 
arose, Lorenzo made cause with Buona ; but the Milanese 
brothers and Ferrante attacked him, and succeeded so well 

1 Jovius, Vitse Vivorum, D.D., p. 37. Reuchlini Prsefat. ad Gv. 
Hebr. 

2 Bouterwek, Italien, Literatur, i. 339. Roscoe, Life of Leo X., 113. 

3 Carpesanus, Commentarii suorum temporum, ix. 1363. 

4 Desrey on Monstrelet, 239. 

5 Comines, Memoires, p. 507. 6 Corio, last book. Beginning. 






CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 37 

that he made his resolve, went forth, came to Naples, and 
entered into friendship with them. 1 Since then, the King 
was his nearest ally, and Lodovico his second ; in conjunc- 
tion with both he fostered a very dangerous feud against 
Ferrara, and eventually aided the King in the second 
Neapolitan war, which we have noticed. After it was over, 
Ferrante said, " I saved him, and he has now done the 
same for me." 2 

Pope Innocent VIII., who had espoused the cause of the 
barons and had been defeated, was at first highly dis- 
satisfied with this ar angement. He even protested in his 
secret garden at the palace, saying, " he did not recognize 
Ferrante as king, even though he called him such." 3 He 
exclaimed, " I will put him under ban. If the Italians 
will not then assist me, I will cross the mountains, like the 
Popes did in the days of old, and appeal to those dwelling on 
the other side, and I know I shall stop their feuds and that 
they will help me." 4 Lorenzo undertook to pacify him, in 
which he was successful, by giving his daughter to the 
Pope's son, Francheschetto Cibo, to wife. 3 Hereupon a 
thorough change supervened. His old friends, Julian della 
Eovera and the Colonna, fell into disfavour with Innocent, 
who inclined to the Orsini, Lorenzo's relations and his old 
enemies. At last the Neapolitan complications were settled, 
and the King confessed that in everything he perceived 
Lorenzo's faithfulness and goodness. 6 We see how it is that 
Lorenzo, owing to his position, became the mediator of Italy ; 
upon it was founded the subsequent greatness of his house, 
for, owing to the co-operation of the three, his son John 
was made abbot of Miramondo in the province of Milan, of 
Cassino in the kingdom, and a cardinal of the church. 7 

And thus they all lived in peace together ; all of them, 
except the Pope, in usurped lordships, each menaced by his 
subjects, and only careful that they did not anywhere find 

1 Macchiavelli, viii. Diarium Parmense, p. 335. 

2 Fabronii Vita Laurentii Medicis, ii. p. 369. 

8 Literse Petri Victorii, ap. Fabroniuin, ii. p. 344. 

4 Literse Philippi Pandolphini, ibid., p. 353. 

5 Ibid., p. 313. Letters and documents. 

6 Ibid., p. 351. 

7 Ibid., p. 374, and in Roscoe, Leo X., the letters in Appendix, from 
p. 486 on. 



38 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

assistance in any neighbour : each supporting the other. 
They are neither nations nor races ; neither cities nor king- 
doms ; they are the first States of the world, and their origin 
is as follows. 

The appellation of " State" was originally given to the 
friends most nearly devoted to a single family ; and we 
find Folingno dei Medici complaining that their " State " 
had decreased, only numbering fifty men instead of a 
hundred, and these ill provided with children. 1 The most 
illustrious members of the State, who came to Lorenzo 
with the deputies of the city, in order, as he says, to entrust 
to his care the public duties, were not from the country — 
for this is called " Dominio " and has not the slightest 
influence — but they were the friends, the old State, without 
which Lorenzo declared it difficult to live in Florence. 2 
Now, as the party united with these " nearest friends," and 
the party was master of the city, and the city of the land, 
the name of the original unit became applied to the whole. 
Nowhere did real liberty exist. Whence, then, springs the 
lively impulse to perpetuate the " beautiful," through 
which this people at this time became the envy of and the 
model for all later peoples ; — whence came the semblance, 
yes, the effect of liberty ? It is the prime result of the 
antagonism of parties, ever covertly or openly existing, of 
the vigilance of all human forces engaged in conflict, of 
universal jealousy, which applies itself to art, energy, 
science, and antiquity, and of the reverence in which the 
savants are therefore held. Since the era of the migra- 
tion of nations, Italy now for the first time stood inde- 
pendent, and displayed the greatest diversity in ideal unity. 
These States, though based upon violence and faction, 
entertained notwithstanding the most universal relations. 
Venice was built upon commerce, Florence upon indus- 
trial art and manufactures, the kingdom of Naples upon 
the great European balance of power, which had now 
found a moment of rest, the duchy of Milan upon the 
trade of war as it was followed by the Condottieri, and 

1 Foligno dei Medici, Notizia in Fabroni, ii. p. 7. 

2 Lorenzo dei Medici, Ricordi, ibid., p. 42. A further proof is con- 
tained in Varchi, storia Fiorentina, ii. p. 8 : andavano cercando che lo 
stato si ristringesse e a minore numero si riducesse. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 39 

the State of the Church upon the idea of the supreme 
hierarchy. The nation was at the zenith of its culture. 
Would it not have been possible for it to have progressed 
and developed further in the same way, and so have exer- 
cised in later times more influence than it had to accept of 
others ? 

But this retired and peculiar world was convulsed by a 
great and violent movement. The sea is calm, and reflects 
the sky ; then comes a storm : when it is past and gone, 
the sea is the same as before. If a movement and a storm 
comes into the hearts of men, there will also return a day 
of calm : but meanwhile the world has altered. 

In the year 1480 Ferrante had two grand-daughters at 
his Court, who, it might be, often quarrelled when playing 
at his feet : Isabella, ten years of age, the child of his son 
Alfonso, and Beatrice, aged seven years, his daughter 
Leonora's child by her marriage with Ercole d'Este. 1 At 
the beginning of his career Lodovico betrothed the elder of 
these two to his nephew, John Galeazzo, who would one 
day be duke, and himself to the younger. Some time 
passed, and Isabella was taken to Milan : but while there 
was forced to see how the uncle governed her husband like 
a boy, and neither allowed hirn nor herself the least power ; 
she endured it all the same. But the time too came for 
Beatrice to go as a bride to Milan, 2 and as Lodovico was 
actually prince, Beatrice and not Isabella was honoured as 
princess. Here, then, we see the younger girl with every 
wish in the pleasures of youth gratified, full of hopes, some- 
times sitting as mistress at the games and tournaments in 
Milan, and anon at Genoa — whither she had come secretly 
to enjoy herself — so soon as discovered, the recipient of 
princely honours amid the gorgeous pomp of the mer- 
chants ; 3 anon driving to her father at Ferrara with her 
ladies attendant, with many coaches and mules, the streets 
covered with carpets and green boughs, whilst the populace 
shouted her husband's name. 4 The elder, meanwhile, who 
was the lawful duchess, had the pain of being fettered to 

1 Diarium Parmense, p. 311. Diarium Ferrarense, p. 254. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 279. 

3 Folieta, Historia Genuensis, lib. xi. 

4 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 283. 



40 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

a man, who was a mere nobody, and who even repeated to 
his uncle what she confided to him, and she had little 
prospect either for her own future or that of her children ; 
for Lodovico now declared, that the sovereignty belonged 
to him, who was born whilst his father was reigning duke, 
rather than to the son of one who was born before, 1 and 
entered into negotiations to procure his investiture. A 
heart perceiving danger threatening its whole house and 
enduring in silence, were nothing less than divine. Isabella 
acted like a mortal in not tolerating this treatment; at 
first she complained in Milan, then threatened, 2 and finally 
appealed for assistance to her father in Naples. 3 She 
wrote, " Whilst his newly-born infant is designed to be 
Count of Pavia, we and ours are ever held in contempt, 
and are even in peril of our lives ; and I am like a widow, 
a helpless woman. We have courage and understanding, 
and the people are favourable and pitying. Hast thou, 
then, the heart of a father, and love and generosity, and art 
touched by tears. Save us." 

" We ought to help them," said Alfonso, " even if they 
were strangers to us." He consulted with his old father, and 
with his grown-up son. He then called upon Lodovico to 
crown his noble actions by the most noble of all, and to 
retire from the government in favour of his nephew. He 
received no answer. But in this silence lay the breach 
of friendship and peace between them ; nay, the peace of 
Italy itself. 4 Alfonso's friends said Lodovico must be 
content to be " Podesta " in Milan ; they wagered that he 
would not exist one month longer. 5 But he, on his side, 
thought that he possessed the means of securing his rule, 
and at the same time of endangering the existence of his 
enemy. 

Now, Lorenzo dei Medici and Innocent VIII. at this time 
died in quick succession, and Alfonso as well as Lodovico 
had to cast about to gain the favour of their successors. 
Lorenzo's son, Piero, was heart and soul devoted to the 
Aragons, from whom, in the great hall at a splendid 

1 Comines and Georgius Floras, p. 3. 

2 Marcus de la Cruce to Trivulzio in Eosmini, ii. 192. 

3 Literaj Isabella?. Given word for word in Corio, p. 884. 

4 All in Corio. 5 Cruce to Trivulzio, 191. 









CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 41 

festival, he had received his wife, Alfonsina Orsina. 1 But 
the successor of Pope Innocent was of entirely opposite 
feelings. 

Amidst the universal corruption, it was a universal 
calamity, and discreditable to the whole human race, that, 
in the retired cells of the Conclave assembled to elect a 
Pope, amid high and holy ceremonies, and among men 
who had no further wants, and no one to provide for, it 
was not the weal of Christendom, so sorely in need, that 
determined the election, nor that of a nation — no, nor 
even genuine affections and emotions. The highest dignity 
in the Church was regarded as the inheritance of all car- 
dinals ; given, because alas ! it was indivisible, to the one 
who promised the others most. Brother Albus of Venice, 
ninety-five years of age, who could scarcely talk any 
longer, and always nodded his head, still took 5,000 ducats. 2 
He received them from Roderick Borgia (Borja) of Xativa 
in Valencia, and the others took like presents. The re- 
venues he received from three cathedrals and several 
monasteries, whose head he was ; the income derived from 
the vice- chancellorship that he held, as well as numerous 
alliances with foreign princes, furnished him with the 
means of making these bribes. 3 Ascanio Sforza and Julian 
della E-overa still resisted him ; but the former gave up 
his opposition when Borgia sent him four mules laden 
with silver into his house, and promised him the vice- 
chancellorship. The latter would not receive anything, 
kept complaining that the Italians were excluded, only at 
last to give in himself. 4 Calamity was expected to result 
from the election. Sinibald de Sinibaldis died of grief 
occasioned by it. It is said that a tear was seen in the eye 
of the old Ferrante, whose rule, established by so many 
misdeeds, was threatened with utter ruin by this election. 3 

1 Oricellarius in Fabroni, ii. 316. a Infessura, Diarium, p. 2007. 

3 Jacob Volaterranus, Rom. Diarium, p. 130. 

4 Infessura, p. 3008, and Corio. 

5 Infessura, 3009. Zurita, i. 15. In the Codice Aragonese of 
Trinchera this tradition is referred to Guicciardini, and denied, with- 
out mention being made of the reliable authors. The account which 
follows, however, records the hostile relations between the new Pope 
and the King of Naples, which immediately showed themselves. " Sap- 
piate," it runs in a letter of the King, of 7 June, 1493. addressed to 



42 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

The great Popes of early days provided, after their lights, 
for the Church ; the later ones had nephews to provide 
for ; and in these days even sons — Borgia, who called him- 
self Alexander I V., had three of them, Jnan and Joffred of 
the secular, and Cesar of the clerical profession, as well as 
one married daughter, Lucrezia. 1 Men said, " This man, 
who when Cardinal, made his son Duke of G-andia, what 
will he do now he is Pope ? " The Sforza gained him over 
to them by giving John Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, to his 
daughter for a husband ; he dissolved the marriage with 
her former husband, whom he satisfied with money. In 
the presence of one hundred and fifty Roman ladies, whom 
these clerics in frivolous play pelted with sweetmeats served 
up in more than a hundred silver dishes, the new betrothal 
was celebrated. 2 Hereupon the Pope nominated three 
Cardinals in the interest of the Sforza. 3 After that, he 
endeavoured to separate King Wladislaw of Hungary from 
Ferrante's daughter, in order that he might wed a Sforza ; 
and, as Lodovico was allied with all his relations at Fer- 
rara, Mantua, Forli, Pesaro, and Bologna, and had even 
gained over Venice, 4 and despatched his envoys and his 
letter to Charles VIIL, Alexander entered into a league 
with him. Their plan was to put an army into the field 
under a joint commander. The Pope approved Lodovico' s 
proposals that he should invest Charles, and thereupon 
invited him to come. 6 

Antonio d'Alessandro (Cod. ii. 2, 43), " che '1 pontifice succedendo in 
pontificate con la majore pace in tutta Italia : et con lo majore reposo 
che mai altro pontifice : stando tntti li potentati in summa amicitia : 
ipso pontifice non guardando al ben publico, ma sequendo el suo 
naturale.*' (Cf. Gregorovius, Geschichte der StadtRom., vol. vii. p. 329.) 
The accounts given in the Codice are of great moment for the epoch 
1493-1494 ; yet they go so deeply into the details of the intricate and 
vacillating policy of those times, that their contents can on no account 
be inserted in this place ; the general view here given will not be affected 
by this. 

1 Vannozza de Cattanei was the mother of Cesar, Juan, Joffred, and 
Lucrezia. Her monument stands in Santa Maria del popolo. Petro 
Luis, Duke of Gandia, was born of another alliance. Cf. Reumont, 
Gesch. von Rom. hi. 2, p. 838. 



Infessura, 2010, 2011. 



3 Senarega, Annales Genuens. in Muratori, 24, p. 534. 



Alegretto, Alegretti, Diarj sanesi, p. 827. 
5 Zurita, i. 26. 6 Infessura, Diarium, p. 1016. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 43 

That the adherents of the Aragon dynasty did not de- 
spair in the face of snch dangers, was owing to their reliance 
upon the tried shrewdness of their old king, Ferrante. 
But he now appeared to have lost all the elasticity of life. 
He cared neither for the chase nor for games, and would 
even scarcely take food. No one could please him in ren- 
dering the small services of everyday life. 1 He was bowed 
down by the weight of years and the dread of this third 
war, by far the most dangerous of all, as the King of France 
was taking part in it ; and he was moreover harassed by 
his barons. It was said that an ancient work had been 
found in Tarento, addressed to the King alone and his most 
intimate adherents. The people believed that therein was 
prophesied the destruction of Ferrante' s race and dynasty. 2 
Yet he did not abandon the cause as lost. He thought of 
paying tribute to Charles as his vassal, but his envoys re- 
turned with the presents he had sent. He next thought of 
securing Alfonso by a Spanish marriage, but King Ferdi- 
nand evaded it. His sole safety he now saw in going to 
Milan, and taking Isabella back home with him. But grief 
and fear, as well as the recollection of what he had done, 
broke his heart. At great festivals he was heard to give 
vent to frequent and deep sighs ; in the midst of a conver- 
sation he would utter meaningless words, which, however, 
had reference to his danger. 3 In this state he died, two 
days after his return to the city, on the 25th January, 1494. 

When Alfonso mounted at once his black steed, and, 
riding through the streets with a bold air, received the 
ovations of the people, there were still some who hoped. 
But the tradition goes that many were obliged to join in 
the acclamations under the point of drawn swords ; and 
meanwhile the old Queen sat with her daughter Johanna 
in a dark room. They lamented : " Wisdom is dead, and 
light is extinguished. In what plight has he left us 
behind, and to whom ? All power is gone : the realm is 
helpless and lost ! " Alfonso came to them, and said : "I 
shall uphold the kingdom as well as did my father." But 

1 Caracciolus, de varietate fortunte, p. 72. 

2 Giacomo, Cronica di Napoli, p. 173. 

3 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, p. 538, and Caracciolus, de varietate 
fortunae. 



44 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

they were afraid of his cruelty, and only implored him to 
spare the people. 1 

Alfonso's first care was to gain over the Pope Alexander, 
in which endeavour he was in so far supported by the 
King of Spain, as that he married Enrique Enriquez, his 
uncle's daughter, to Juan Borgia. 2 Alfonso promised the 
latter an estate of 12,000, the younger son Joffred one of 
10,000 ducats, in addition to his daughter Sancia ; so that 
the Borgia were thus received into relationship with the 
genuine as well as with the spurious House of Aragon. For 
the sake of these great advantages, Alexander forgot his 
former engagements, did not heed the protestations of the 
Consistorium, and sided with Alfonso, 3 an alliance that first 
caused alarm to the Cardinal Julian. On a former occa- 
sion, he had once invited the Pope to Magliano. The Pope 
came ; but on hearing a chance shot fired, he feared it 
was a signal meant for him, and returned without tasting 
food. 1 Since then Julian had banded himself with the 
discontents in Ostia. 

Now, when the Orsini were also reconciled with the Pope, 
he sailed with two " caravellas " through the pirate ships 
of Yillamarino across to France, came into his legation at 
Avignon, and leagued himself with Charles. 5 Immediately 
hereupon, the Colonna, under their own standards, as well 
as those of Eovere and France, occupied Ostia, closed the 
Tiber, cared not that their houses were destroyed, and 
awaited the coming of the King. 6 

Alfonso was crowned on the 8th May. His coro- 
nation apparel was valued at more than a million and a 
half of ducats ; yet, amidst all the pomp and splendour, he 
looked sad and brooding. 7 On this very day he heard cer- 
tain tidings of the approaching French expedition. His 
silver shield could not gladden his heart, for he needed an 
iron one. Yet he did not think of awaiting the attack, as 

1 Zurita and Passero, Giornale, p. 57. 

2 Zurita, i. 29, 34. 

3 Diarium Burcardi in Eccardus, 2036, 2040. 

4 Infessura, 2010. 

5 Senarega, Annales, p. 539. Zurita, 34. Infessura, 2016. 

6 Burcardus, p. 2048. 

7 Passero, 61. Caracciolus de varietate fortunse, 43. Diurnale di 
Giacomo Gallo, 7. 



CH. I.] THE SITUATION IN ITALY. 45 

his father had advised. " Shall I hide," he said, " like a 
stag in the wood?" After he had got in the presents 
made him at his coronation, a whole year's income from 
landowners, and his tithes ; and after the foals from his 
studs had been trained for military service, and his ships 
equipped with the latest inventions in bombs, he had an 
interview with Alexander at Vicovaro. In accord with the 
latter, he resolved to attack Lodovico on two sides x — with 
his fleet in G-enoa, and by land in his own country of 
Milan. In view of the operations against G-enoa, two 
exiles, Cardinal Fregoso and Obietto Fiesco, offered their 
services. They had been expelled in order that the city 
might obey Lodovico, and they now placed their hopes 
in the King of France. 2 He hoped to effect an entrance 
into Milan through the instrumentality of the Papal 
vassals, who were pledged to obey their suzerain ; the 
upper hand he hoped to gain through the G-uelphs, whose 
head, Trivulzio, marched with him ; whilst the complete 
victory should be his through the devotion of the people to 
their own prince, John G-aleazzo. In August, 1494, thirty- 
eight squadrons of horse started from the Abruzzi moun- 
tains ; they were to take their way through the Romagna, 
in order to set free the young Duke of Milan. 3 Infantry 
they had none ; but they had sergeants with them to recruit 
them. The land army was led by Ferrantino, the son of 
Alfonso; whilst the fleet, which put to sea at the same 
time, was commanded by Federigo, Alfonso's brother. Thus 
did the war in Italy break out. 

Lodovico did not await the coming of his enemies with- 
out French help ; he was to be aided against the landing 
troops, which the Neapolitan fleet had on board, by Duke 
Louis of Orleans, who had come to G-enoa with a few com- 
panies of Swiss. 

At last the beacon-fires flashed from cape to cape ; the 
enemy was approaching. The Aragons then effected a 
landing on the Riviera, and occupied Rapallo 4 with their 

1 Benedicti Diarium. Corio, 919. Oricellarius, de bello Italico, 
p. 10. 

2 Senarega, Annales, 520, Folieta, 263. 

3 Emilia Pia to Gibert Pio, in Rosmini, 202. 

4 Georgius Floras, de bello Italico 7. St. Gelais, Louis XII., p. 82. 



46 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

troops. But what availed these troops, which were neither 
picked nor disciplined — to-day recruited, and to-morrow 
disorganized — troops whose highest aim it was to scurry 
about and shout the name of their lord 1 who had hired 
them ; what availed they against the Swiss battle array ? 
They could not hold their position ; Aubigny and one of the 
Sanseverin from the borders of Ferrara offered resistance 
to the troops advancing by land. Ferrantino, at all events, 
was warded off. 



3. Charles VIII. in Italy. 

Whilst the Italian League, as now constituted, was 
attacking Genoa and Milan by land and sea, King Charles 
was ordering processions to be held, and prayers offered 
up in all churches, in celebration of his victory over the 
Saracens. 2 After the old custom of French kings, he had 
the corpses of St. Denis and his companions brought up 
into the church from the vaults. 3 On the 29th of August, 
1494, he attended mass at Grenoble, took leave of the 
Queen, and started for Italy. He had arranged who, in his 
absence, should govern the kingdom, and who rule each 
duchy. He had borrowed 100,000 ducats from the house 
of Sauli in Genoa ; 4 the chamberlains had arranged his 
journey, and so, with high expectations, he proceeded from 
Briancon across Mont Genevre, down the valley of Cesanne, 
and through the valleys of the Waldenses to Turin ; mules 
brought up the baggage in the rear. At the gates of Turin 
they were received by Blanca, the lady of Savoy, seated on 
her palfrey, and by the young Duke, still a child, but who 
had been taught to express himself in graceful language ;° 
for close relationship and frequent appeals for their deci- 
sion in disputes touching wardships, had procured for the 
French kings the reputation of real suzerains in Piedmont. 
To the music of clarions and trumpets, the cavalcade 
passed through the streets, where Charlemagne's wondrous 

1 Nardi, Vita di Tebalducci. 

2 Baudequin MS. in Fonceraagne, Memoiren der Acad. 17, p. 572. 

3 Desrey on Mostrelet, p. 228. 

4 Desrey, 214, 215. 5 Georgius Florus, 6. 



CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 47 

exploits were represented in devices. 1 The Princess gave 
her ornaments in pledge for a small loan. Philip de Bresse, 
the uncle of the Duke, joined the expedition ; with a light 
heart they marched upon Asti, on the borders of Milan. 2 

Here Lodovico met the King. " In Italy," said he, " we 
have three great powers. One you have on your side, 
Milan; another sits quiet, Venice. How should Naples 
single-handed oppose him, whose forefathers have con- 
quered us all together ? Only follow me, and I will make 
you greater than Charlemagne was. We will drive these 
Turks out of Constantinople ere we finish." 3 

Before ever they had come up with the enemy, Lodo- 
vico took complete possession of Milan. John Galeazzo 
was sick unto death ; but Lodovico had received the in- 
vestiture with the dukedom from the King of Rome, 4 who 
had a few months previously wedded his niece. Now if 
Galeazzo were to die whilst the French army was in the 
country, who should then stand in his way ? In Pavia 
Charles saw the sick man, whose mother had been the 
sister of his own, and who apologized even then for not 
having come to meet him, for he was too ill ; but he offered 
him himself and his children. A Pavian physician, who 
accompanied the King, assured Rucellai that it was evident 
he had been poisoned. 6 However, Charles bade him be of 
good heart, took his chain from his neck and hung it on 
him. He had scarcely reached Piacenza, when he heard of 
the young man's death. 7 Sympathy with the innocent 
victim was universal, as was the horror felt of him who 
was considered to be the murderer. Whilst the King in- 
vited the citizens to the funeral and gave presents to the 
poor, Lodovico hurried to Milan, assembled the Council of 

1 Philiberti Pignoni Chronicon Augustse Taurinorum, p. 41. 

2 Cocaines and Desry, 2, 6. On the 1st September Charles arrived 
at Briancon, on the 5th at Turin, and on the 9th at Asti. 

3 Comines, p. 444. 

4 Documents in Corio, 900, 912, 935. 

5 Georgius Florus de expeditione Caroli, p. 9 (note in 3rd edition). 
Marino Sanuto, La Sped izi one di Carolo ottavo in Italia, pubblicata per 
cura di Rinaldo Pulin. p. 671. Charles started from Asti on the 7th of 
October, and arrived in Pavia on the 14th. 

6 Oricellarius, de bello Italico, p. 33. 

7 Desry, 218. On October 18 Charles arrived at Piacenza; and on 
the 21st John Galeazzo died. 



48 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

State, and proposed the son of the deceased as his suc- 
cessor. 1 " We need a man, and not a child," the Treasurer 
Marliano replied. All the members were of one opinion, 
that Lodovico must be their duke ; they handed him the 
sceptre, a garment of gold stuff was brought and put on him ; 
he then rode, accompanied by the notables of the city, to 
St. Ambrosio, and was there proclaimed duke by popular 
acclamation. 2 If Isabella had felt that her letter had 
caused her father a most perilous war, and her husband 
his death, what must her feelings have been now, when she 
heard that Lodovico was duke, and her children were with- 
out hope and robbed ! The first she had endured, but this 
crushed her to the earth. 3 

The King stood on the borders of the Florentine and 
Roman territory. In Piacenza two Medicis came to him, 
Piero's cousins of the younger branch, yet more generous, 
more affable, more endeared to the people, and not less 
rich than him, but exiles, because, when at play with 
Piero, they had quarrelled with him and evinced French 
sentiments. 4 They told the King he need only advance 
into Tuscany, for he had friends in Florence. Among the 
old adherents of the Medici, there were many who were 
discontented with Piero. His father had once written to 
him, "Though thou art my son, thou art all the same 
no more than a citizen of Florence, like myself." 5 But 
the son of an Orsina, whose brother was Cardinal, whose 
father had been the mediator of Italy, and who felt him- 
self even superior to the latter in point of physical strength, 
handsomeness, and graceful deportment, and, it might be, 
his superior in classical education— for he expounded 
Virgil to his brother, and could improvise cleverly 6 — 
might easily forget this warning. Like many others did, 
he forgot, over external show, what was really deserving 
of praise. He had no liking for agriculture and commerce, 
as his father had, but only taste for hunting, hawking, 

1 Floras Navagero in Muratori, 23, 201. 

2 Corio, p. 936 ; Lodovico to Aubignj' in Rosmini, Trivulzio, ii. 
p. 206. 

3 Petrus Martyr; Epistol. xi. 193. 

4 Corio and Comines. 

5 Literse Laurentii in Fabroni, Vita, p. 264. 

6 Literse Petri in Fabr., Vita Laur., p. 298. 



CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 49 

and Tuscan games with hand and foot, brilliant cavalcades by 
day, and nightly carouses. 1 He had a portrait taken of him- 
self in a coat of mail. 2 In civic business, on the other hand, 
he approved what his counsellor, Bibbiena, proposed. It was 
not until Charles had crossed the high mountains and had 
arrived at Pontremoli, that Piero perceived how little the 
Florentines were inclined to support him against the King. 
"I never dreamt I should come into these straits," he 
wrote ; " never have I mistrusted such great friends of this 
city, but I am forsaken by all, and have neither money, credit, 
nor repute, so as to be able to sustain the war." 3 This he 
wrote when already on the road to Pisa to meet Charles, 
to deliver himself unconditionally into his hands/ Only 
with the King's help was it possible for him to maintain 
himself in the city. 5 The course he pursued was not so ill- 
advised as has been asserted, 6 that of granting the King all 

1 Nardi, Istorie Florentine, p. 9. 

2 Jovii Elogia virorum illustrium, p. 187. 

3 His letter to Bibbiena in Fabroni, Leo X., p. 262. 

4 Second letter in same work. On 23rd October Charles left Piacenza, 
and arrived on the 29th at Pontremoli. On the 26th Piero started from 
Florence. 

5 Georgius Floras, p. 9. Nerli Commentarj, p. 61. 

6 In modern writings there has been attributed to Piero, una stoltezza 
veramente incredibile (Villari, storia di Girolamo Savonarola). We 
must not forthwith presuppose such a quality in a Florentine, a 
Medicean. All was antagonism of parties, more or less false calcula- 
tion, and agitation of the moment. Extremely worthy of note are 
letters of the time of the crisis given in the collection of Desjardins, 
Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la Toscane. We can per- 
ceive that Piero was at variance with his State in Florence, in consequence 
of his alliance with Alfonso, and his general attitude. For the Floren- 
tines were at heart well inclined towards France ; they perceived the 
danger that threatened them from France with all the greater ill-humour, 
as it was not the policy of the Commonwealth, but merely a per- 
sonal one of the head of their republic, that implicated them in it. 
Florence itself could not be defended against the superior forces of the 
French that threatened it from the sea side. Coerced by his opponents 
within, and menaced from without, Piero resolved to seek in person the 
favour of the King of France. He did this not without anxiety on his 
own account, and before setting out implored his fellow citizens to 
provide for his family, in case any disaster befell him. But as he went 
to the French camp in the double capacity of head of the Bepublic, and 
its envoy, his opponents in the city bestirred themselves ; they appointed 
an embassage, which should either in conjunction with Piero, or without 
him, enter into negotiations with Charles VIII. They were also ready 

E 



50 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

he wished, the fortresses of Sarzana, Sarzanella, Pietra- 
santa, Pisa, and Livorno, which command the mountain- 
road and the coast from the Magra to the month of the 
Arno. 1 He meant by this means to estrange him from his 
friends, and to gain him for himself. Bnt he was far from 
being sure of this when he learnt that his action was 
condemned at home. He hurried back to Florence. In 
order to assert the sovereign power, he massed his troops 
under Pagolo Orsino, and proceeded — it was on the 9th of 
November, 1494, a Sunday evening — with an armed re- 
tinue to the palace. The assembled Signori were not in 
accord. One of them, of the name of Lorini, ushered in 
Piero, and refused to give up the key to the bell, with 
which the others intended to call together the people. 
But the latter had the upper hand. A Nerli and a G-ualte- 
rotti, both sprung of families formerly Medicean to the 
core, stepped towards Piero, as he entered, exclaiming, 
" Alone and unarmed, otherwise he does not enter here." 
Others opened the bell-tower. 2 With Piero had returned 
one Francis Yalori, hitherto envoy to King Charles, and 
convinced that he would not support Piero Medici. 3 This 

to meet the French demands. Meanwhile, it had not cost Piero much 
difficulty to open negotiations with the French. He was really of 
opinion that he was doing his old ally, Alfonso, the best service, by 
throwing himself entirely into the arms of France. He did not hesitate 
to deliver into their hands the fortresses which the French coveted, 
until their business with Naples was settled. He at once issued orders 
to Pisa and Florence to receive the King of France in a manner worthy 
of his dignity and the old connection with him. The new envoys had 
not received any orders that were exactly contradictory ; they only laid 
stress upon the authority of the Eepublic as such. Every minute the 
opposition to Piero in the city itself waxed stronger. He considered it 
wiser to return to Florence, in order to keep master of the city. But 
he was not quite assured of the protection of France ; in the French 
camp it was, on the other hand, perfectly well known that he and not 
the Signoria, was the real eDemy of France. One of the civic envoys, 
Valori, came back from the King, convinced that he would leave the 
internal affairs of the Eepublic to its own management. Thus it came 
about that Piero, whilst thinking to gain possession of the palace, met 
with opposition, and the population rose up against him. The moment 
is of the greatest importance ; it was really decisive for the later times 
of Tuscany. 

1 Comines, 449. 2 Nerli, i. i. Nardi, p. 13. 

3 The alleged bulletins of Charles VIII. 's army (Pilorgerie, Campagne 
et bulletins de la grande armee d'ltalie commandee par Charles VIII.), 



CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 51 

man mounted his horse, summoned the people to liberty, 
and increased their confidence. 

Hieronymus Savonarola had for the last four years 
preached to the same people: "A king will come across 
the hills, a great king, sent of Grod to punish the evil, and 
to regenerate the Church." 1 This king seemed now to 
have come. As Piero went across the square, he saw 
stones flying about him, and the people at the sound of 
the bell running together towards the palace, and disarm- 
ing his myrmidons. He saw these weapons of slavery, 
the few that had escaped his control, brandished for the 
emancipation from his own yoke. 2 Giovanni, his brother, 
shouted in the street, "Palle!" (Their watchword was 
Bullets.) They endeavoured to rouse their partisans in the 
suburb of St. G-allo ; but no one stirred, and Pagolo's 
troops were afraid. Thus the Medici, Lorenzo's sons, 
left Florence without saving anything ; their treasures, 
their jewels, those cups of sardonyx, the most precious 
antiquities, the 3,000 medallions, the manuscripts and 
books, which it was their pride to show strangers, 3 the 
gardens, in which the Torrigiani and Michel Angelos were 
brought up, all were left to the people to pillage. They 
yielded up the power which their fathers had possessed 
for sixty years and fled, for they durst not turn their steps 
to Charles, but they crossed the Apennines to Bologna. 

The advent of him, in whom the prophets foretold a 
Saviour, and whom people loved to address as "Holy 
Crown," set also Pisa free on the same Sunday. How that 
came about is not without uncertainty. One historian 
relates much about Simon Orlando, who exercised great 
influence upon both people and prince. 4 On the way back 
from mass, or on the way thither, it is recorded how 
the people of Pisa, young and old, prostrated themselves 
before the King, complained to him of the great oppression 

are worthy of note, in so far as they explain the political negotiations 
that accompanied the expedition of the King, and his intentions : they 
are, however, of little value for the internal Italian movements. 

1 From Savonarola's discourses in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X. 

2 Nardi, Nerli, Guicciardini. 

3 Comines, p. 451, 455. "Vasari, Vita di Torrigiano, v. d. P. iii. 
p. 136. 

4 Jovius, Historian sui temporis, fol. 19. 



52 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

which they had suffered for the last eighty- seven years at 
the hands of the Florentines, 1 and said that they wished to 
be free and under his rule. Hereupon the monarch, who 
had a tender heart and hated all unfairness, at once threw 
an inquiring glance at one of his counsellors, who accom- 
panied him, his master of petitions, Jean B,abot, and when 
the latter had judged that they were right, and when all 
his knights showed their sympathy, he nodded to them and 
promised to maintain them in good freedom. Hereupon 
the people, shouting " Franza ! " " Liberta ! " and " Joy ! " 
threw the Florentine lion into the Arno, and expelled the 
Florentine commander. 2 They add, that two strangers 
had a share in this ; a Milanese, because of certain preten- 
sions of the Sforza, called G-aleazzo Sanseverino, and a 
Sienese for the sake of the Tuscan liberty, named Bartholo- 
mew Sozzini, a teacher of law at Pisa, and who had for a 
long time been a prisoner in Florence. 3 

So much for the story told by the Florentines and 
French. Since the day of its enslavement there have never 
been any Year-books in Pisa. 4 Charles intended to wrest 
this city from Piero ; but as yet he could not know how 
the latter stood with the Florentines. 

Those against whom he now advanced were partly his 
enemies, for their head had waged war against him, and 
partly his friends, in that they had expelled this their head. 
Upon the hills before Signa, with the unprotected plain of 
the city before him, negotiations were opened. Since 
Lucca, that was in nowise under an obligation to him, 4 
had received him with offerings in its best palace, he 
now demanded the same of Florence, viz., perfect confi- 
dence and unconditional surrender to his good- will. 5 The 
Florentines appeared ready to accede to his terms, and 
brought him (on the 17th of November) the keys of the 
gates. Youths in French garments bore a Baldachin over 
his head and conducted him, all in arms, just as he was, 
past the mystery of the Annunciation to their cathedral, 



1 Desry, p. 219. Nardi, 12. 2 Comines, 452. Ferronus, p. 10. 

3 Alegretto Alegretti, p. 836. 

4 Sismondi, note to p. 1406. 

5 Chronicon Venetum in Murat., 24, p. 8. 

6 Negotiations in Ovieellarius, de bello Italico. 



CH. I.J CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 53 

and to the houses of the Medici. 1 But the subsequent nego- 
tiations did not proceed so smoothly. Can it be true, as 
is said, that Piero Capponi seriously challenged the French 
inside the city to fight a battle that his party had not 
dared to accept outside ? Certain it is, at any rate, that the 
citizens and the French did not agree well together, 2 that 
the King feared treachery, and the town pillage. 3 At last 
an understanding was arrived at. The principal point of 
dispute concerned the House of Medici, which the King 
wished to have restored. However, he only so far attained 
his point, that the most rigorous edicts that had been 
launched against the Medici, their lives, and their house, 
were withdrawn. All else was left for the future. Pisa, 
Livorno, and the fortresses ceded by Piero were to remain 
in French hands until the conclusion of the expedition 
against Naples. The French reserved to themselves a great 
influence, 4 in respect of both policy and arms. After this 
had been ratified, the bells were rung, and "feux de 
joie " were kindled in the streets and squares. The king 
caused messages of peace, favourable to the renewal of 
liberty, to be afiixed to the walls ; and then prej>ared to 
continue his expedition to Eome and Naples. 5 Savona- 
rola came and warned him to lose no time ; God had sent 
him, of this he was assured, but he conjured him not to 
allow the insolence of his soldiery to bring to nought the 
accomplishment of his object. 6 Charles VIII. issued a 

1 Desry, 219. Nardi, 15. 

2 Macchiavelli, Decennale. Oricellarius. 

3 Macchiavelli, Clizia Commedia. Alto i. Sc. i. 

4 A very vivid picture of the mistrust existing between the French 
and the Florentines may be found in the Diario Fiorentino dal 1450 al 
1516, by Luca Landucci, edited in the year 1883 by Jodoco del Badia. 
Therein we read under date of the 24th October (p. 85) : Che ognuno 
attese a riempiere le case di pane e d' arme e di scessi e afforzarsi in casa 
quanto era possibile, con propositi e animi ognuno volere morire lo 
1' arme in mano e ammazzare ognuno, se bisognassi, al modo del Vespro 
Siciliano. (Note to 3rd Edition.) 

5 Petrus Parentius, Daybook in Fabi-oni, Leo 263 (note to 2nd ed.). 
Desjardins, Negociations, i. p. 601. The text of the treaty has been pub- 
lished by Grino Capponi in the Archivio Storico Italiano, Ser. i. vol. i. 
pp. 362-375. 

6 Petri Criniti Carmen, cum Carolus ad m-bem tenderet, in Roscoe, 
Life of Leo. i. Appendix, 510. 6 Nardi. 



54 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

kind of manifesto, to the effect that he had left his wife, 
his Dauphin and only son, and his realm ; that he was 
not come to injure anyone, hut to take Naples, that had 
been assured both to his forefathers and to himself by 
twenty-four investitures of Eoman Popes and holy coun- 
cils, and whose harbours and seaboard afforded him the 
best base of operations for attacking the Infidels. He 
demanded a free passage, otherwise he would proceed by 
force. 

Florence having been metamorphosed by his advent, he 
next advanced against his second foe. 1 Pope Alexander 
was thrown more into perplexity than into fear. He said 
to Eudolph of Anhalt, who was at that time in Borne: 
" This King will demand the name of emperor, as he 
does the sovereign power. But assure Maximilian that I 
would rather have a sword at my throat than agree to it." £ 
Ferrantino was advancing on the one side towards Eome ; 
he had been long since forsaken by the Florentines, and 
then by the princes Urbino and Pesaro, 3 and by Catharina 
Sforza also, now that he had showed himself incapable of 
resisting Aubigny. The people declared they did not 
desire war with the French ; 4 they even showed themselves 
hostile to him and barred his way. Without divesting 
himself of his armour, 5 he took the Eoman road through 
the Eomagna. The Pope seriously believed that, with the 
assistance of the Neapolitans, he would be able to with- 
stand the King of France advancing from Tuscany. 6 He 
did not listen to the assurances of the Sforza and their 
adherents. Charles VIII. entered Siena through guir- 
landed gates ; 7 he there proclaimed his ban against those 
that had been expelled, and left some soldiers behind him. 
In Casciano he received the youth of Pisa, who brought 
him an offering of roes, hares, and all other fruits of the 
chase. 8 Thus did Charles VIII. arrive within the territory 

1 Charles left Florence on the 28th November. 

2 Burcardus, Diarium, p. 2050. 

3 Balir Guidobaldo, p. 135. 

4 Passero, Giornale, p. 63. 5 Zurita, f. 52. 

6 Burcardus 2053, and Zurita, p. 50. 

7 Desry, 218 (note to 3rd ed.). Sanuto, Spedizione di Carolo, viii. 
p. 144. 

8 Alegretto Alegretti, 835-837. 



CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 55 

of the Church. 1 The Cardinal Perrault persuaded the in- 
habitants of Montefiascone to receive the King peacefully ; 
for so had been the old and real promise of the Pope. As 
early as the 10th December he was praying before the 
relics of St. Rosa in Yiterbo ; 2 and there even an Orsino, 
whose family was closely allied with Piero and Alfonso, 
surrendered to him all his castles and supplies. On all 
sides, even on the Tiber, the enemy appeared ; Comines 
narrates that it was an undoubted fact, that a portion of 
the city wall had fallen. 3 Ferrantino, on hearing of the 
King's superior force, quitted Rome. Then the Pope sent 
his master of the ceremonies, to escort the King into the 
city. 4 On the 31st December, 1494, he made his entrance 
by torchlight through illuminated streets, received by the 
ovations of the people. 5 It could, not be Charles' intention 
to bring about a reformation of the Church by force, or 
to seize the imperial power ; purposing, as he did, to attack 
the enemies of Christianity, he dared not stir up the whole 
of Christendom against himself. 6 But if he had Caesar, 
Alexander's son, as a hostage in his train, he was assured 
of the Pope. If he occupied Terracina and Civita Vecchia, 
the chief harbours from the French to the Neapolitan coast 
would be in his hand. 

There was at this time in Alexander's keeping a certain 
Zjemi, the brother of Bajazeth, who had fled from the 
latter to the Christians, but yet had many adherents 
among the Turks ; a man of resolute principles, who would 
only kiss the Pope's arm, and not his feet. Charles, by 
taking this man with him, considered himself as good as 

1 Burcardus, Diarium, 2051. 

2 Desry, fol. 220. On the 22nd December Charles started from 
Viterbo. 

3 Comines, 462 (note of 3rd Ed.). That is also narrated by Sanuto, 
a.a. O., p. 163. 

4 Burcardus on the 31st December. 

5 Tremouille's Memoirs, 147, 148. 

6 By a letter of the Archbishop of St. Malo to Queen Anne, we 
definitely learn that the deposition of the Pope Alexander, and a 
thorough ecclesiastical reform was talked of. " Si nostre roy eust voulu 
obtemperer a la plupart des Messeigneurs les Cardinaulx ilz eussent fait 
ung autre pappe en intention de refformer l'eglise ainsi qu'ilz disaient. 
Le roy desire bien la refoi*macion, mais ne veult point entreprandre de 
sadepposicion. Vide Pilorgerie, 1.1. p. 135. N.B. Note to new edition. 



56 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

assur-ed of success against the Turks. 1 Having obtained 
these advantages, which were moderate, though important, 
he said, standing on the steps of the papal throne, " Holy 
Father, I have come to make my obeisance, as my fore- 
fathers did." 2 He was present at the ceremony of the 
universal Indulgence, received the blessing, and quitted 
Rome on the 28th of January, 149 5. 3 

Now only Alfonso was left to deal with. Whilst in 
Rome he had entered into negotiations with the King 
through the Pope. He had offered him large sums of 
money ; a million ducats down and 100,000 ducats annually 
as a kind of tribute. The Venetian Republic and the King 
of Spain were to guarantee the payment. But, certain of 
his hereditary right, and filled with his plans against the 
Turks, Charles YELL rejected all his overtures. 4 Even then 
Alfonso did not abandon all hope. Charles would not, he 
conceived, be able to advance upon Naples before the 
spring ; meanwhile he would fortify his frontiers, and 
succour would arrive. 5 He expected such aid from the 
King of Spain, who, on a proposal being made him for his 
youngest daughter for Ferrantino, had shown himself in- 
clined to accede to the request. He had offered, through 
Ram Escriva, 500 lancers, and even a large army under a 
grandee, under certain conditions. It was known of Baja- 
zeth, against whom the French expedition was so publicly 
proclaimed, that he was fitting out a great number of gal- 
leys for sea in Constantinople, and had others on the stocks, 
and further that the Natolian army had received orders to 
cross the strait by the first of March, and the Greek fleet 
orders to get ready without delay. 6 His envoy accompanied 
Alfonso from the army to the capital. 7 

But this winter was just like spring ; no rain fell, and 
even in Lombardy there was no snow ; the French expedi- 
tion met with not the slightest inconvenience. 8 Nowhere 

1 Infessura, 2060. Alexander to Maximilian in Datt, Wormser 
Acten, p. 852. 

2 Desry, 220. 3 Burcardus, 2064. 

4 Letter of the Archbishop of St. Malo to Queen Anne in Pilorgerie, 
p. 138 (note to new edition). 

5 Zurita, f. 49, f. 50. 

6 Chronicon Venetum, p. 11. 

7 Passero, p. 63. 8 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 290. 






CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 57 

did it meet with resistance ; Aquila surrendered as soon 
as the French showed themselves. The Neapolitans began 
to inquire of one another whence all this success came. 
Many said, " It is a secret of God ; " others, " Their Latin 
and Greek made them cowards." ' 

Alfonso himself was at length startled at the universal 
despondency. And as, in addition, the people rose up in 
tumult — the reason whereof was not known — and it was 
only Ferrantino's presence that calmed them, 2 Alfonso 
perceived that he could not stand his ground, and remem- 
bered the prophecies which had been foretold of him. He 
hid himself for three whole days ; the consciousness of his 
wickedness paralyzed his energies. But when the people 
again rose with the cry, " The King must be dead, for who 
has seen him alive? " aud he saw that all was lost as regards 
himself, feeling that he was loathed and hated with just 
cause, but that his son, innocent, uncontaminated, young, 
and brave, the darling of the people, would assert himself, 
Alfonso renounced the realm. 3 They all wept when Jovian 
Pontan drew up the document. 4 Alfonso bade his son 
mount a horse and ride through the city in company with 
his uncle Federigo. Even then, the horror did not leave 
him ; the spectres of his innocent victims visited him by 
night ; upon his conscience lay the warning of his father, 
after whose death, people believed all was going to de- 
struction : " crime entices thee as with an alluring face, 
before thou hast committed it ; afterwards, when it is 
done and a calamity has happened, it still retains its fea- 
tures ; but they are now a hideous picture ; for hairs it has 
snakes; it is a veritable Medusa's head." "We will 
away from here," said Alfonso to his stepmother, and when 
sjie desired to wait a little longer, exclaimed, "I will throw 
myself from the window. Dost thou not hear how they 
all shout the name of the French ? " He tarried no longer, 
but fled to Mazzara into a monastery of the Olivetans." 

1 Romoncine, Tesoro politico, in Vecchione, p. 107. 

2 Passero, 64. 

3 Passero (note to new edition). Gallo, 8. Cronica di Napoli di 
Notar Giacomo, 185. 

4 Bembus, 32, 33. 

5 Comines, 462-467. Tranchedin to Lodovico in Kosmini, 207. 



58 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

With the intention not to yield, Ferrantino meanwhile 
joined his army at the pass of St. Gerinano. With the 
same intent, Alfonso Davalos held in front of him the rock 
of St. John, which was considered unsurmountable. 1 If they 
could only hold out for a while on the frontier, the people 
might be gained over, they thought, and succour arrive. 
But they could not hold their ground. One day, after the 
midday meal, Charles arrived from Bauco before St. John 
and ordered it to be stormed. He did not require to repeat 
his order, for one and all were determined to gain honour 
in his eyes. 2 On renewing their onslaught for the third 
time — for they met with staunch opposition — they gained 
the rock, and spared no one ; they showed great cruelty. 
But Charles was at Garigliano. 3 The rapidity and fury of 
this conquest inspired terror into Ferrantino' s friends and 
roused the courage of his enemies. 

The citizens of St. G-ermano were no more for resistance. 
At Teano one night Messere Renaudo came to Ferrantino : 
" Sire," he cried, " away hence, else you are delivered over 
to the enemy by your own camp." 4 No hope remained, save 
in the citizens of Capua and Neapolis. On the 16th of 
February, Ferrantino felt himself sure of the Capuans ; 
he thereupon hurried to the Neapolitans to gain these also 
over ; he called a gathering of them in St. Chiara. " Ye 
Sirs, my fathers and brethren," he said, " do ye know me ? 
Among you I grew up and was reared. Now that all for- 
sakes me, and I have no one I can trust, will ye also forsake 
me ? Yet not now ! Only not for fourteen days. If I have 
then received no help, do as ye list." He stood before them 
in tears ; they were silent, for many loved him. " Our lord," 
said a nobleman, " we have neither provisions nor guns." 
Ferrantino replied, " There are the keys of the new castle, go 
and take what you need ; there are a whole year's supplies 
for the whole of Naples there." He was still speaking, when a 
messenger came with the tidings that the enemy was attack- 
ing Capua ; in despair he rushed away and took the road 
thither. 5 On his arrival at Aversa, he learnt that of his 

1 Passero, 65. 2 Villeneufve, Memoires, p. 4. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, p. 13. Desry. 

4 Passero. Martinellus to Ascanio in Rosmini, 208. 
fl Passero, 66 (note to new edition). Giacomo, 185. 



CH. I.] CHARLES VIII. IN ITALY. 59 

three first captains, Trivulzio had gone over to Charles with 
his whole army, which had been kept so long in pay for 
him. This he did on the very first day that he had an 
opportunity of reciprocating this outlay with his service. 1 
The other two had fled, and the citizens, if not on the 1 6th, 
at all events on the 17th, had sent envoys to Charles, who 
begged for mercy with folded hands. 2 All the same, it is 
said, he ventured up to the walls of Capua ; but here he 
was met by the G-ermans, who had alone remained faithful to 
him, by Caspar's and Gottfried's companies ; they had made 
a sortie against the enemy on the other side, but had been 
abandoned by the Italians. They had hardly been per- 
mitted to withdraw through the town in parties of ten men 
each. 3 It was now evident that all was lost. Perhaps 
Ferrantino when he turned round to go back to Naples, still 
hoped, for had not his grandfather here resisted all his 
enemies ? But he had to see that the nobles, instead of 
equipping themselves for battle, were plundering the Jews, 
and that the populace, when he went into the stables to 
give horses to his servants, ran after him and stole them. 
Now all was over ; he felt that the hatred cherished to- 
wards his father and grandfather was now turned against 
himself. Full of despair, he drew his sword and turned 
about with the words, " What have I done unto your chil- 
dren ? " But a faithful servant led him away to his castle 
out of the throng, for he had otherwise been murdered. 4 

Whilst, then, Alfonso Davalos held the castle with 400 
G-ermans, whilst the houses round about the arsenal and 
some ships were being burnt down, 5 and whilst the old Queen 
lamented, " O fate, no lance has been broken, and thou 
dost ruin this kingdom ! " and all were on shipboard, she, 
her daughter and the young King, in order to escape to 
Ischia, Jacob Caracciolo, without asking leave, opened the 
gate to the French herald, and shouted " Franza ! " Here- 
upon, twenty deputies of the Neapolitans advanced to meet 

1 Florus, as against which Eebucco in Eosmini, Trivulzio, i. 227, is 
improbable. 

2 Desry. 

3 Jovius, Historise sui temporis, fol. 30. 

4 Passero. Johann. Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, p. 127. 

5 Chronicon Venetian, p. 13. Navagero, p. 1202. 



60 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

Charles, with the words, "Holy Crown, thou hast been 
awaited these hundred years in Naples. Now thon art 
come. Enter as our King and Master ! " r and Charles, 
whose success had been most brilliant, and who now saw 
this kingdom like the French duchies, united to his crown, 
entered as the rightful heir. Yet in Capua he fancied 
himself wonderfully reminded of his expedition against the 
Turks ; Zjemi still lived. It was said that the prestige of 
the French had prevented the Bassa of Avlona from cross- 
ing, and had scared away the Turks from many islands, 
and even from Negropont they were flying to Constanti- 
nople. When G-rimani with Venetians passed by Lepanto, 
they thought it was the French, and retired from the castle 
and the shore. The peninsula and the mainland gathered 
fresh hope. 2 

1 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 294. 

2 Corio, 939. Bernbus, 346. Benedictus, p. 1583. Chronicon Vene- 
tum, p. 8. 



CHAPTEE II. 

SPAIN AND LIGA IN WAR WITH CHARLES VIII. 

1495—1496. 
1. United Spain. 

AT this time Spain was first heard and spoken of ; this 
country had a short time previously become consolidated 
into a united and powerful kingdom out of two disunited 
and feeble principalities, Castile and Aragon. With re- 
spect to Castile, the autograph of Alonso de Palenzia records 
that there existed a law of Henry of Trastamar to the 
effect that, " without permission of the King of France, no 
Englishman should go to Castile, nor a Castilian to Eng- 
land." Such a disgraceful compact was actually kept by these 
weak monarchs. 1 John I. relied in battle even more upon 
the French than upon his Castilians ; John II. appeared to 
many to be almost bewitched by his favourite Alvar de 
Luna ; 2 the Portuguese, Pacheco and Griron, after overthrow- 
ing Alvar, lorded it over Henry IV. Henry, though a 
huntsman, and an enemy of baths and wine, but deprived of 
noble indignation and manly strength by early profligacy, 3 
had scarcely turned away from them — not to be his own 
master, but to take another favourite — when they revolted, 
and with them all the nobles. They declared his daughter 
Joana to be illegitimate, and favoured his brother's succes- 
sion, and, when he died, that of his sister Isabella ; but she 
did not desire to be called queen, and was content that the 
succession should be assured to her issue. 4 

1 Ferrera's Spanish History from this Manuscript, vii. B. p. 47. 

2 Eodericus Santius, Historia Hispanica, iv. c. 31. 

3 Hernando Pulgar, Claros Va rones, p. 4. 

4 Antonius Nebrissensis, Rerum a Fernando et Elisabe gestarum 
Decades, p. 801. 



62 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

Near relatives of this family ruled in Aragon, yet with 
no better fortune, in spite of their having inherited from 
Ferdinand I. a crown adjudged him by the three counties 
of which Aragon consisted, great estates in Castile, and 
valid claims to Naples. These claims Alfonso took over 
from his son, and succeeded in establishing them ; yet he 
afterwards gave Naples to his illegitimate son, and sepa- 
rated it from Aragon. The estates in Castile devolved upon 
Henry ; but at Olmedo, where he fought against John II., 
and was defeated, they were lost to the house, and came 
into the hands of those Portuguese favourites. Even the 
crown was in danger, when John of Aragon, to whom it 
had passed, was attacked by his eldest son, and by all the 
Catalans. 

Let us now represent to ourselves how the union and the 
consolidation of these kingdoms was brought about. The 
same men who had seized the Aragon estates had procured 
for Isabella the succession in Castile. Now, when John's 
enemies were dead and he triumphant, and they now began 
to feel alarmed, Isabella betrothed herself with the man whom 
they dreaded most, with Ferdinand, the youngest son of 
John, and his heir. Seated on a mule, in disguise, Ferdi- 
nand came to Yalladolid to celebrate the nuptials j 1 then 
they did not hesitate to swear allegiance to Joana, and to 
offer her hand and realm to the King of Portugal. 2 This 
was the origin of the war, a war that was waged on all 
points between Fuenterrabia and G-ibraltar at the same 
time : a war in which John TJlloa strove against Roderich 
Ulloa, 3 his brother, Peter Zuniga against his father, 4 and 
the Count of Salinas against his sister, 5 and the cities that 
sided with Aragon, and their castles, that favoured Por- 
tugal, also strove together. But at last Ferdinand and 
Isabella were victorious at Toro, and succeeded in rid- 
ding the country of the enemy. They founded the 
monastery of St. Francis in Toledo, and proceeded in two 
directions to pacify the country — the Queen to the Anda- 
lusian cities, and the King to the castles on the Duero. 
Against the castles — for, as a fact, the country had been 

1 Ferdinand himself in Zurita. 2 Antonius Nebriss, p. 802. 

3 Antonius Nebriss, p. 821. 4 Idem, 835. 

5 Idem, 895. 



CH. II.] UNITED SPAIN. 63 

pillaged, and all robbers had sheltered themselves in them 
— he was assisted by the cities and their Hermandad, who, 
in order to punish robberies and murders in the streets, 
squares, and houses, maintained 2,000 horsemen and a pro- 
portionate strength of infantry. 1 They lent their assis- 
tance, as though their sole aim was the general peace, yet 
their object was also a political one in the interest of 
Ferdinand. He wrested the castles from his enemies. 
Isabella, meanwhile, presided at tribunals of justice at 
Seville every Friday, surrounded by bishops and lawyers, and 
with clerks before her. But here, where the Duke Medina 
Sidonia and John de Cordova were of her party, and the 
Marques of Cadiz and Alonso d'Aghilar against her, and 
where the enmity of the old Christians, the new converts, the 
Jews, and the neighbouring Moors, divided streets and fami- 
lies, 2 her rigour was ineffectual. She resolved to pardon all 
offences, save and except heresy. This latter, with which 
the judgment hall of the Hermandad was as incompetent to 
deal as the Dominican inquisition, which had been long 
since abolished, was reserved for another tribunal. 

In September, 1478, she quitted Seville; on the 1st of 
November, Sixtus IV., who at the same time revoked 
the dispensation granted to the King of Portugal to 
marry Joana, 3 gave the Kings (under which title Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella were now known) the right to appoint 
inquisitors against heretics, apostates, and their patrons. 4 
Unexceptionable accounts testify 5 to the fact, that it was 
the representations of Thomas Torquemadas, a prior of 
the Holy Cross, who declared that "those who had been 
converted, went by night into the synagogue, kept the 
sabbath and the Jewish Easter, and celebrated, barefooted, 
the day of Remembrance," that primarily caused the 
institution of this tribunal ; a lamentable fatality, if true 
what Pulgar states, 6 that the Torquemadas were also ori- 
ginally Jews ; and that it was a quarrel between the con- 
verted and the unconverted Jews that brought the In- 
quisition upon the people of Castile and Aragon. But if 

1 Antonius, 851. 2 Antonius, 861. 

3 Ferrera's Hist, of Spain. Vol. xi. sec. 235. 

4 Llovente, Histoire de l'lnquisition. Vol. i. p. 145. 

5 Marineus Siculus, p. 481. 6 Claros Varones, p. 24. 



/ 



64 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

we remember that the influence of the Jews over the 
grandees, due to their farming their revenues, their afflu- 
ence, and their relationship to them, conflicted secretly 
and at all points with the King's interests, 3 that the first 
order of the Inquisitors threatened the Marques of Cadiz, 
an opponent of the monarch's, in case he sheltered the 
fugitive Jews, and that it was a Jewish book against the 
Government that brought matters to a crisis, 2 we have a 
consecutive account before our eyes. The Inquisition har- 
monized with the Hermandad in form — for they each had 
originally two judges and a fiscal — as also mainly in scope; 
viz., the completion of this war and the consolidation of 
the royal power, under the cover of a far wider plan; 
yet the ecclesiastical power of the one was far more 
arbitrary than the civil power of the other. After some 
hesitation, Isabella had the Quemadero erected on the 
plain before Seville, between the four prophets ; 3 the 
monastery of the Dominicans in the city was soon too 
small to hold the accused, 4 and 5,000 houses in Anda- 
lusia were empty. 5 But they began to obey. So 
soon as Pacheco consented to resign a great part of his 
estates, and the King of Portugal to renounce his claims, 
and when everybody surrendered, the civil war came to a 
close, and the royal power was at the same time re-estab- 
lished. Yet these institutions still continued under the 
pretence of general policy, and others were added to them. 
When the grand masters of two of the Spanish orders 
of knighthood had died, and the third was inclined to 
retire, Ferdinand undertook to manage all three. In 
truth a goodly power ; for the order of St. Iago alone 
could put 1,000 heavy cavalry into the field ; and a 
table of the fifteenth century ranks its grand masters 
among the princes and independent heads of Europe. 6 
Further, since the Pope had given way in the matter of 

1 Caracciolus, Epistola de Inquisitione, in Muratori, Ser. 22, 97 
(note to new ed.). Cf. as to the condition of the Jews, Reyes Catolicos in 
Prescott, " Hist, of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic," 
i. p. 243. 

2 Llorente, pp. 148, 149. 3 Llorente, p. 1 52 and fol. 
4 Ferrera, xi. sec. 320. 5 Marineus Siculus, p. 483. 
6 In Sanuto's Venetian history in Muratori, xxii. 963. 



CH. II.] UNITED SPAIN. 65 

some disputes touching the episcopal chairs of Saragossa, 
Cuenca, and Tarragona, the rule was established that no 
one could be raised to the rank of bishop upon whom the 
King had not previously declared his willingness to confer 
this dignity. 1 

Let us now observe : the Hermandad was the reflex of 
a former independent coalition of the citizens against the 
nobles, and it now committed the civic power into the 
hands of the King. The G-randmasterships, through the 
Encomiendas, bound the knights who had received of 
them, as well as all noble families, out of gratefulness or 
expectation of future favours, to the King. The latter, by 
his Inquisition and the election of bishops became almost 
the head of the clergy. We perceive that it was not so 
much that Ferdinand and Isabella extended the royal 
power handed down to them from their ancestors, as that 
they gave it a new basis ; they placed themselves at the 
head of the estates who might have resisted them, and 
who resisted their forefathers, and, concentrating their 
powers in their own persons, became their real chiefs. In 
all this the Church, by supplying them with the Inqui- 
sition and Mayorazgen, and by gradually making over to 
them for ever the Tercias of the ecclesiastical tithes, ren- 
dered them the greatest service, and they had no more 
dangerous foes than the enemies and apostates of the 
Church of Eome. The traditional liberties still continued ; 
even in Castile the noble might surrender his fief back 
into the King's hand, 2 and retract his allegiance, whilst 
the citizen might shut his house against the royal officer ; 3 
but obedience to duty became established. The rigorous 
Isabella, she who rode in person after the son of the Almi- 
rante, Fadrique, who had broken her safe -conduct and fled, 
that Isabella who had the Alcadian, who had killed a royal 
servant, hanged on the very spot where he had committed 
the deed, and who ordered the hand of the other, the Great 
Alcaldian Yillenas, to be cut off for allowing it, 4 soon 

1 Mariana, de rebus Hispaniae, xxiv. c. 16. 

2 Mariana, xiii. p. 599. 

3 Hallara from Marino, Erisajo critico, in The State of Europe during 
the Middle Ages, i. p. 762. 

4 Ferrera, viii. p. 92. 



66 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

brought it about that travellers from Spain told it as being 
one of the wonders of that land, that there no wrong was 
done, not even by the authorities themselves, but that 
speedy retribution followed. 1 There sat Isabella (before 
her her escutcheon quartered with a castle, a staff, a lion, 
and an eagle), amongst the images of the saints in her 
chapel ; Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and Orators, on 
the one side, and the Connetable, Almirante, Dukes, 
Marques, and Counts, on the other, the priests in full 
canonicals before her, all awaiting her sign. 2 Her diplomacy 
aimed at absolute power over an orthodox kingdom. 

Now that the internal disorders had ceased, and the con- 
stitution was in process of development, the kings turned 
their eyes unceasingly towards the outer world, the Christian 
world, too, but principally the infidel. According to the 
example of their forefathers, Ferdinand the great and the 
holy, the four Alfonsos, the Emperador, Ramon the noble, 
and the eleventh, who ventured not to wage war with the 
Moors until they had first been victorious in a civil one, 
but who engaged in the former as soon as they had suc- 
ceeded in the latter. Thus did they, under the standard 
of the Cross, each division under a crucifix, as the song 
goes, invade the plain of Granada. 3 They swore not to 
leave it until they had taken the city ; they centred the 
attention and the obedience of the whole nation upon this 
point, and at last conquered it. But as the different king- 
doms had always been in the habit of dividing beforehand 
what they intended to conquer, and were hardly less jealous 
of what they coveted than of what they had already taken, 
so at the present time did they claim the African king- 
doms of Oran and Tlemsan for the crown of Aragon, and 
for Sicily, Tunis, and the eastern slope of the Atlas. These 
claims were also confirmed by the Pope, and they hoped 
to push on in an easterly direction to Egypt, and to come 
as far as Jerusalem. In the West, Castile claimed all that 
had formerly been Mauritania and Tingitana. This led to 
a war with Portugal. At last they agreed together, that, 
with the exception of Melita and Caca9a, Portugal should 

1 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, in Muratori, xxiv. p. 534. 

2 Marineus Siculus, p. 506. 

3 Guerras Civiles de Granada, by Perez de Vita, torn. iii. p. 145. 



CH. II.] UNITED SPAIN. 67 

be at liberty to conquer the whole of Fez. But this was 
of minor importance. Those maritime expeditions, in 
which the Portuguese, planting their standard ever further 
and further afield, had leamt of an eastern and Christian 
monarch, the King of Abyssinia, 1 and by which they hoped 
— for already someone had been in Groa and had discovered 
the Cape — to find this potentate, and by his help, proceed- 
ing along the coast, 2 to arrive at India, and the land of the 
spices, were endangered ; for Pope Alexander had promised 
the conquest of the whole of Africa to the united crowns. 
But, finally, the old treaties remained valid ; the right of 
navigating to Guinea and the coast downwards was assigned 
to the Portuguese, 3 and they needed not allow another to 
sail the same way. But Providence willed that something 
unexpected should result from these differences ; and what 
actually happened far surpassed human calculations. In 
Lisbon there often sat together two brothers from G-enoa, 
Bartholomew Colon, who drew maps for the use of sailors, 4 
and Christopher, the elder, who had navigated with vary- 
ing fortune the inner sea, and the outer from the Canaries 
to Iceland. 5 These two discussed together what was well 
known, and became convinced that the safest plan to dis- 
cover that land of precious stones, pearls, and spices, 6 that 
Sypango of which Marco Polo had written/ a land into 
which Christianity could be introduced, would be, not by 
voyaging along the coast of Africa, but by sailing ever 
westward, and thus circumnavigating the globe. But no 
King, no Duke, and no Signorie, would believe the 
brothers. At length the two Kings, in their joy over the 
victory of Granada, being at Santafe three months later, 
took the advice of the above-named Alonso Quintanilla, 
he who first invented the new Hermandad, 8 and hazarded 

1 Barros, Asia, iii. c. 2, 3, 4. 

2 Sommario Pietro Martir's in Ramusio, 3, 1. 

3 Mariana, xxiv. c. 10. 

4 Antonius Gallus, Commentariolus de navigatione Colombi, p. 
300. 

5 Jagemann, Geschichte der ital. Literatur, iii. iii. 

6 Petrus Martyr, decas Oceanea, i. f. 1. 

7 Barros, Asia, iii. c. 9. 

8 Oviedo, Sommario, in Ramusio, iii. f. 80, compared with Antonius 
Nebrissensis, p. 847. 



68 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

this venture. They put three Caravellas (small ships) at 
the disposal of the elder Colon, and had them manned 
for the most part by sailors from the vicinity of Palos. 1 
Tradition goes, that these coast seamen, after spending 
week by week between heaven and water, only gazing 
upon seaweed, and seeing no land, threatened to murder 
their captain. The captain the while, working by day 
with the lead, and by night keeping his eye intent upon 
the fixed stars, and even in his dreams full of visions of 
success, remained firm of purpose, and managed to curb 
all opposition ; until at last looming clouds inspired hopes, 
and in the night a sailor shouted, "light and land;" 
when day broke, hills, high trees, and green land were 
discovered; he shed tears, and falling on his knees, said 
the "Te Deum Laudamus." They erected on the coast 
an enormous cross, heard the notes of the first nightingale, 
saw the timid good people, 2 and returned to tell their 
king of the country they had taken possession of in his 
name. 3 

G-od's gift and the discovery this excellent man had 
made primarily led to the continuation of the Castilian- 
Portuguese differences. The wind drove the returning 
party to Lisbon. As soon as the King of Portugal saw 
that the natives, who had been brought back, looked like 
the Indians, as they had been described to him, and heard 
from Colon, that he had there been told of a land called 
Sybang, 4 he began to be afraid that his scheme had been 
anticipated. He requested the Kings to sail, not south- 
wards but, northwards, according to the old compact. 5 
They believed him to be right, and that they had come to 
the point where east and west touched ; they little knew 
the size of the world ; they bargained long together, and 

1 Oviedo, p. 81, and Dillon's Journey to Spain, ii. 102. 

2 All taken from the " Sommarios" of Pietro and Oviedo, p. 16, p. 
810, and from the Decas, i. 1 (note to new edition). It is evident that 
in this short mention of the great event neither its worldwide importance 
could be enlarged upon, nor its course critically examined: it appears 
only to be treated in its local origin with reference to the undertakings 
which at that time proceeded from the Iberian peninsula. 

3 Christophori Columbi Epistola in Hisp. Illustr. ii. 1282. 

4 Barros, Asia, iii. 9. 

5 Zurita, Historia del Rey Hernando, i. f. 30, 31. 



CH. II.] ALLIANCE BETWEEN SPAIN AND ITALY. 69 

finally offered a prize to him, who, starting 370 leagues 
f rom the Canary Islands, should discover Portugal towards 
the east, and Castile towards the west. 1 This was quite a 
different matter from their Fez and their Tingitana ; but 
they still went on in the old fashion. 

Such were the operations of the united kingdoms against 
the Infidels, and, if the conquest of Granada was celebrated 
in all Christian lands with feasting and games, how much 
more did not the report of a new earth and a new mankind 
ring throughout Europe ! These kingdoms now turned 
their eyes again towards the interior of Christendom. 
The grandees had delivered up those crown estates to 
which they could show no legal title, and which were, at 
the lowest estimate, computed to be worth nearly thirty 
million maravedi. Cadiz and the Isla had been recovered 
from the Ponce, and Roussillon had been given up. 
The time had come, in which the idea of a united Spain 
for the first time asserted itself. The Pope initiated 
the title " Serene Kings of Spain," seeing that European, 
Bsetic, and a portion of Lusitanian Spain had become 
united in the sense in which the title " Catholic King" is 
said to have been originally framed. 2 In the same way as 
the regenerated unity of the French realm impelled 
Charles VUL, so did the unity of Spain, asserting itself 
now for the first time, induce Ferdinand and Isabella to 
look towards Naples. The rights of the one clashed with 
those of the other. 



2. Alliance between Spain and Italy. 

The two Sicilies had from time immemorial been the source 
of strife between the Spanish and French houses, a strife 
which began with the death of the last Hohenstaufen, and 
had not as yet been fought out. It was on the point of 
being taken up on both sides by third houses. At first it 
had been carried on between the Barcelonian House of 
Aragon, the heirs of Conradin, and the Anjous, who had 

1 Zurita, f. 36. 

2 Marineus Siculus, p. 164. Francis Tarapha, de Regibus Hispanise. 
Hispan. Illustr. i. p. 567. 



70 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

been called in by the Pope, that is, between the Provencals 
and the Catalans, who are in reality one race, of the same 
origin, and speaking the same language. The former took 
Naples, the latter Sicily, and ever since they had been in 
feud with each other. 

Secondly, this long-standing dispute devolved upon Al- 
fonso I. of the House of Castile, and the younger branch of 
the Anjous. Alfonso with the Catalans was victorious, and 
gained possession of Naples. Although before the people 
he took his stand upon the new right of a certain adop- 
tion, although it had been revoked, yet he confessed after 
the victory that his greatest joy was, that he had regained 
the possession of his ancestors. 1 From this dates the war 
of Ferrante with John of Anjou. 

Thirdly, when the rights of the Anjous had at length 
passed to the crown of Paris, the united kingdoms, in oppo- 
sition, felt themselves pledged to protect the interests of 
Catalan. Ferdinand had ofttimes been urged by the barons 
to make war on Ferrante, but had always answered, " He 
is my brother-in-law." 2 But now if Charles was victorious, 
he would lose one prospect, viz., his rights, and saw even 
Sicily threatened. The Kings of Spain were bound by the 
treaty of Koussillon, but had never approved the enterprises 
of Charles VIII. 

While Charles was making his preparations, they pro- 
posed to him an expedition against Africa with their rights 
to support him ; when he was already in the Alps, they 
equipped a fleet in Viscaya ; when he turned against Tus- 
cany, they endeavoured to rouse Lodovico's ambition by 
offering him an alliance with their house and a royal 
title. Charles arrived at Florence ; they then despatched 
Lorenzo Figueroan to Venice, in order, it may be, without 
any declaration, to arrange an alliance. 3 But when the 
French King was in arms at Rome, and had already occu- 
pied the cities of the Church, they laid hold of a clause 
in their treaty, " reserving the rights of the Church," a 
clause which Charles agreed to, as long as Alexander was 
Sf orzian and belonged to his party. Ferdinand was the first 

1 Marineus Siculus, de Vita Alfonsi, v. 

2 Zurita, " Casado con su hermana." 

3 Zurita, f. 38, 41, 46, 47. 



CH. II.] ALLIANCE BETWEEN SPAIN AND ITALY. 71 

to make it important by helping to win over the Pope. 
Whenever the Catholic Kings bestowed any care upon 
Christendom, it was agreeably to their own interests. 
Relying on this clause, their envoys, 1 one for Aragon and 
one for Castile, betook themselves to the States of the 
Church, met Charles near Rome, and, on his refusal to 
accede to their demand that he should restore the cities 
and uphold the treaty, tore up the document embody- 
ing it. It cannot be exactly called faithlessness, but a 
faithful observance of treaties it certainly was not. Fer- 
dinand and Isabella then took under their protection 
Alexander, whose son had long since fled from the French 
King, and Ferrantino, who had betrothed himself with 
their niece Joana, and had fled with her from Naples, and 
promised them certain Neapolitan castles as security for 
their war expenses. They were now in a position to form 
a new league against Charles. 

Now after Charles had left Lodovico the Moor, dif- 
ferences arose between them on account of some trans- 
actions in Tuscany, Rome, and Naples. Serezana and 
Serezanella, which had been objects of contention between 
the Genoese and Florentines until Charles's arrival, Lodo- 
vico had vainly hoped to obtain from the latter for his city. 
He found fault with the peace concluded with Alexander, 
because he found himself not sufficiently benefited by it. 2 
He was vexed on seeing his rebels, the Milanese Trivulzio, 
and the Genoese Fregoso and Fiesco taken into Charles's 
service at Naples, and in consequence refused to allow 
French ships to anchor at Genoa. 3 Meanwhile a danger 
threatened him nearer home. Duke Louis d'Orleans, upon 
whom there had devolved, through a legitimate daughter 
of the House of Visconti, better claims to Milan 4 than 
those were which the Sforzas deduced from an illegitimate 
offspring, was at Asti, as though only waiting for a favour- 
able opportunity to assert his rights. His servants openly 
declared that he would soon be Duke of Milan; and as 

1 Argensola, Annales, p. 50. Floras, p. 15. 

2 Lodovico to Ascanio in Rosmini, ii. 208. 

3 Lodovico to Charles in Rosm., 213. 

4 Extrait d'un discours, touchant le droit sur le Duche de Milan, by 
Tillet. Comines, Preuves, ii. 321. 



72 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

he was collecting troops, and had at least no resistance to 
fear from Charles, Lodovico began to tremble for his own 
power. 1 He addressed himself first of all to Maximilian, 
who had only a short time previously solemnly conferred 
upon him the investiture, 2 and who, among all princes, 
was almost his nearest relative. Maximilian, too, had re- 
ceived Alexander's message, and might well be anxious 
for the imperial dignity. His envoys throughout Italy 
also complained when they saw lilies where the eagle 
should be, for the suzerainty belonged to the G-erman 
King. 3 Yet most of all was he moved by this, and was 
ever repeating it to the princes of the land : Charles was 
threatening G-enoa, and Louis Milan, so that it was impera- 
tive to take immediate steps against them. But the need 
of the Venetians was more urgent than Maximilian's, and 
quite as sore as Lodovico' s. They feared for their own 
existence, now that Aubigny had penetrated as far as 
Forli. They raised money when Charles was in Florence ; 
directly he reached Eome, without meeting with resis- 
tance, they gathered a force of several thousand light Al- 
banian cavalry, their Stradiotti ; 4 and now that he had 
Naples, and the castles had fallen into his hands, and they 
had heard of Louis' plans, they were seized with the 
utmost fear. One morning they were sitting together, as 
was their wont, sixty or seventy in number, in the Doge's 
chamber, when the French ambassador entered. They sat, 
with their eyes fixed on the ground, and their heads 
resting on their hands. No one broke silence, no one 
looked at him. The Doge then spoke : " Tour master has 
the castles of Naples, will he remain our friend ? " The 
envoy assured them that such would be the case. 5 What 
troubled them was not exactly the destruction of the unity 
of Italy alone, but their own danger. For we must 
remember that Louis d'Orleans' pretensions to Milan 
might also be extended to a great part of the Venetian 
possessions, which once had been in the power of John 

1 Instructio Casati in Eosmini. 

2 Sanseverin to Lodovico in Rosmini. 

3 Allegretto Allegretti, Diarj di Siena, p. 838. 

4 Chronicon Venetum in Muratori, xxiv. p. 8, 9, seq. 

5 Comines. 



CH. II.] ALLIANCE BETWEEN SPAIN AND ITALY. 73 

G-aleazzo Visconti, his ancestor, and which were later con- 
quered by the Republic. If the one were taken, there was 
certainly reason to fear for the other. 

We see that Maximilian, Lodovico, and Venice were 
natural allies. It was to Ferdinand's advantage to join 
this, league, not by himself, but with his allies Ferrantino 
and the Pope. But could Lodovico trust Alexander, who 
had only shortly before this broken faith with him ? 
Suarez insisted ; it was not his power, but his name that 
was wanted. 1 Should they, moreover, receive into the 
league Ferrantino, who no longer possessed anything or 
could afford any assistance ? Yet, all the same, his 
ambassadors went to Worms and appeared before the 
G-erman King, praying to be included in the alliance. 2 At 
length, on the 29th March, 1495, after frequent negotia- 
tions had been carried in secret, even by night, an 
understanding was arrived at. Suarez exclaimed, "Charles 
made the wound, and we have found its cure." 3 The 
Venetians now invited the French ambassador again. 
" We have concluded an alliance," said the Doge, " against 
the Turks for the peace of Italy and the security of our 
possessions." A hundred nobili were there, holding their 
heads high, bold and joyous, for they knew that an army 
of more than 50,000 men would take the field against 
Charles. 4 

The ambassador departed, as is said, surprised and per- 
plexed. On the stairs Spinello, the Neapolitan envoy, 
met him with a beaming face and in a fine new dress. 
Coming down, he begged the secretary who accompanied him 
to repeat to him what the Doge had said. 5 It is Comines 
of whom that is related ; he himself will not confess to it ; 
he asserts that he knew all. In the afternoon the envoys 
of the allies, to the number of fifty, were conveyed in 
pleasure barks, decorated with the arms and ensigns of 
their respective masters, to the strains of music and song, 
through the Grand Canal, between the marble halls on 

1 Zurita, f. 61. 2 Datt, de pace publica, p. 523. 

3 Peter Justinianus, Historica Veneta, from Hieron. Donatus, 
Apologia, p. 148. 

4 Comines, Memoires, i. p. 490. 

5 Bembus, Historise Veneta?, p. 34-36. 



74 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

either side. They passed under the windows of Cornines, 
and the Milanese envoy, at all events, pretended not to 
know him. In the evening, torches, cannon, and illumina- 
tions proclaimed the new league. 1 Ten days later, Venice 
had 21,000 men in the field ; on Palm Sunday the league 
was proclaimed in the countries of the respective allies. 
Cornines and Louis d'Orleans wrote six times within six 
days to France that fresh troops were needed. King Charles 
was informed of the danger that was approaching. 



3. Retreat of Charles VIII. 

It is both the life and the fortune of the Germano- 
Latin nations that they never become united. These 
negotiations and these preparations, with which the real 
struggle of the Spaniards and French began, were the 
beginning of a thorough and wearisome grouping of fac- 
tions that completely altered the face and form of Europe. 
In the first instance, when Charles's expedition threatened 
danger to the Turks, they were advantageous to the latter. 

Zjemi was now dead. There have been preserved to us an 
instruction sent by Alexander to his Turkish ambassador, 
and letters of Bajazeth to the Pope, of perfectly horrible 
contents : " The Pope might be pleased to raise Zjemi 
from the troubles of this world into another, where he 
might enjoy greater repose ; in return for which he, Sultan 
Bajazeth Chan, would pay him 300,000 ducats." 2 And 
it is well that we have reason to doubt the genuine- 
ness of the letter. However, Zjemi died suddenly; and 
whilst the Christian writers speak of poison, the Turkish 
annals 3 contain this passage : " Mustapha Bey killed 
Zjemi with the help of the Pope." Little blame is due 
to Charles for not having actually embarked on the ex- 
pedition he had intended to make, and on which he had 
already despatched the Bishop of Durazzo and the Despots 

1 Cornines. Carraciolus, Vita Spinelli, Cariati Comitis, p. 43. 

2 Burcardi Diarium, p. 2056. 

3 Leonclavii Annales Turcici, p. 154. Daru, Histoire de Venise, iii. 
164, from Saadud-Din-Mehemed-Hassan. 



CH. II.] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII. 75 

of Morea. 1 He would gladly have concluded a treaty with 
Ferrantino. Federigo, too, before the Liga was formed, 
came once more, found the King sitting under an olive tree 
near the new castle, and begged an estate for Ferrantino, 
and the title of King; but Charles cautiously answered, 
" Not here, but in France;" and thereupon they separated. 2 
He contented himself with bringing nobles, citizens, and 
people of Naples into peace and harmony. All the barons 
came to pay allegiance to him, and received back their 
estates, which they had lost through the Aragons. With 
the exception of a few, who still held out, all cities 
sent their syndics with the keys, and received favours, 3 
Tarento, for instance, permission to select its syndic from 
among the middle class of citizens, the Onorats, 4 and 
the Neapolitans a like permission to elect an Eletto, with a 
council of twelve from their midst. 5 He remitted the 
propertied classes 200,000 ducats of their annual dues, and 
to those who had nothing he promised 12,000 ducats as an 
annual present. He fed the poorest on Maunday Thurs- 
day. 6 How could he fail to feel contented and happy when 
he visited the wonders of the land — the grotto of Posilippo, 
which he was told was the artificial work of Virgil, the 
wondrous springs, the chasms in the earth, full of hot 
wind 7 — and gazed on the fatness of the land in spring ? 

1 Oricellarius, p. 66. 

2 Desry, 223. Passero, 70. (Note to new edition. ) Giacomo, 188. 
The negotiations can be followed in a letter of the King, dated 28 March, 
1495, to Bourbon, which contains this passage : " Frederic (Federigo) 
me supplia et requist, que je voulasse bien laisser a son nepveu 
(Ferrantin) le tiltre du royaume et quelque pension pour vivre telle qu*il 
me plairoit adviser." The king replied, before his departure his right 
and title to the kingdom had been investigated in France and solemnly 
recognized, and then further, " Je n'estois point delibere de riens laisser 
ni quitta de mon heritage et dudit tiltre — que s'il s'en vouloit venir en 
France, je luy donneroye pour son etat xxx mille livres de rente et xxx 
mille livres de pension chacun an, et des gend'armes, avecques ce que je 
le Maryerois en quelque lieu de mon royaume de maniere qu'il auroit 
cause de se contenter"' (Pilorgerie, Campagne et Bulletins, p. 212). 

3 Passero, 7. 

4 Job. Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, p. 127. 

3 (Note to new edition.) Giacomo, 204. Gallo, 67. Cf. Keumont, 
die Caraffa von Maddaloni, i. p. 124. 

6 Lettre a la Duchesse de Bourbon in Godefroy, 739. 

7 Desry, 224. 



76 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

And when lie sat at the tournament, and saw how French 
and Italians tilted in the ring together, and how the 
Princess of Melfi rode as straight as a knight on her horse, 
the red and white feathers waving from her hat, her hair 
floating in dainty tresses about her frill and the knightly- 
tunic of green-gold embroidery ; 1 these amusements 
made his heart glad. With satisfaction he noted in his 
letters the restoration of good order and justice in the land 
hitherto so oppressed, and the homage paid him on all sides 
in consequence. They evince the feeling that he had 
happily accomplished a great undertaking. In the midst 
of these pleasures, the news of the Liga and its preparations 
reached him. The restoration of Roussillon and Artois 
had been in vain. How would his powerful foes in his 
rear at Milan, Venice, and Eome have permitted a Turkish 
campaign ? In order not to be cut off from France, he 
must of necessity return thither. Once more he entered 
the city, with a crown on his head and an orb in his 
hand, to make and to receive the vow. 2 The citizens lifted 
up their sons of five, ten, and twelve years of age to him, in 
order that he should dub them knights. 3 He appointed 
Bourbon Montpensier viceroy, lord, and commander of the 
kingdom, took one half of his troops with him, and returned 
on the road by which he had come. 4 He hurried, in order 
not to be overtaken by the heat. 

The Pope fled before hirn from Pome to a stronghold ; 5 
those who are well-informed assert, that Charles would other- 
wise have takenf urther steps against him. 6 In Siena he heard 
the complaints of the reformers against the Wove — that is, the 
factions of the city, — and took the part of the complainers, 
who called him their king and lord. He left a garrison 
behind him there. 7 On the first day of his arrival at Pisa, 
the children greeted him, all dressed in white silk, em- 
broidered with lilies ; and, on the next day, the men — they 
desired to be his subjects ; on the third, the ladies and 

1 Lettre, ibid. 2 (Note to new edition.) Giacomo, 190. 

3 Andre de la Vigne, Histoire du voyage de Naples, in Godefroy, 
p. 200. 

4 Idem, and Desry, p. 2246. 

5 Navagero, Historia Veneta, p. 1204. 

6 Orieellarius, de bello Italico, p. 68. 7 Allegretto Allegretti. 



CH. II.] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII. 77 

citizens' wives, but these barefooted and in mourning, 
praying : " he might see fit to take them under his pro- 
tection." 1 These good people had scarcely a piece of fine 
cloth left in their shops that they did not give to the com- 
manders of the army. 2 Particularly they gained over the 
Swiss, who appeared before the King at the play with axes 
at their necks, and begged him to guarantee the freedom 
of the city. Charles so far agreed as to say that he would 
act so that everyone should be contented. 3 And there he 
stood again at the foot of the Apennines, where, from the 
Magra across to the Taro, a pass that the Longobards 
deemed right to fortify with castles and strongholds 4 sepa- 
rates Tuscany from Lombardy. In Naples the Liga had 
been ridiculed in a comedy ; 5 and as yet Charles had seen 
no enemy, nor feared any. But Savonarola had told him 
that the Grod who had brought him in would surely lead 
him out ; but, because he had not ameliorated the condi- 
tion of his Church, he would be scourged. 

The Liga had already actually occupied Naples, that he 
had only just quitted, as well as the territory of Milan 
that lay before him. There there appeared under Gonzal 
d'Aghilar Ferdinand's Viscayans, G-alicians, and horsemen. 
Graeta revolted, and Ferrantino pushed forward into Cala- 
bria. This first attack was repulsed by the French, who took 
Graeta, not even sparing those who clutched the crucifix 
for their protection, 6 and drove Ferrantino back. Only one 
Neapolitan, of the name of John Altavilla, comported him- 
self bravely. Seeing the King fall with his horse, he dis- 
mounted, gave him up his own, and with a soldier's death 
gained the eternal glory of fidelity. 7 All the rest fled. 
But now Otranto, of its own accord, raised the Aragon cry 
of " Fierro ;" 8 and in Naples, when two persons met in the 
street, they asked, "Brother, when comes the Sponsor?" 
meaning Ferrantino. The decisive issue was expected in a 

] Andre de la Vigne, 204, 205, 206. 2 Nardi, p. 24. 

3 Comines, 501. 

4 Faulus Diaconus, v. 27, vi. 58. 

5 Burcardus, Diarium Roman., p. 2067. 
e Passero, 74. 

7 Jovii historia sui temporis, 48. 

8 Galateus, de situ Japygise, p. 14. 



78 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

short time. On the 4th of July the beacons of Capri 
announced that he was really coming. 1 Lombardy was in 
great commotion on both sides. The Duke of Orleans, 
immediately on the outbreak of hostilities, took the field 
forthwith with his lancers, Gascons, and Swiss, which 
were sent to the King's assistance. 2 He was invited 
to go to Milan and Pavia, for the new taxes that Lodo- 
vico had imposed had excited the populace. Following 
the two Opizi, he had been received in Novara, and pro- 
claimed Duke. Immediately on the receipt of this news, 
Lodovico betook himself to the Venetian envoy, to en- 
treat his good services with the Republic ; he pressed a 
valuable emerald into his hand. 3 He himself collected all 
his energies to rid himself of the enemy. Venice bestirred 
itself in real earnest. In spite of its strong army in the 
field, it issued orders throughout the province that one man 
of every family should equip himself for active service. 4 
The allies at once invested Novara, and intercepted Charles's 
retreat. It was improbable that he would advance by 
way of Bologna ; yet all the same they prepared to meet 
him there. He must either take the road from Parma or 
from Genoa. Early in June, a strong force was in position 
in the Parmese mountains ; and Lodovico wrote to Genoa, 
" We are ready ; get ready also." On receipt of this mes- 
sage, Conradin Stanga made every preparation for resis- 
tance. 5 If Charles took the road by the Riviera, Louis of 
Orleans would be isolated ; but, on the other hand, did he 
take his old road across the mountains, he would be obliged 
to forego all hopes of conquering Genoa, his fief, that 
Lodovico had now forfeited. He chose the more difficult 
of the two ; he chose to march across the mountains, 6 
whilst Fregoso, Julian, and Philip de Bresse made an 
attack upon Genoa. On his road he was continually re- 
minded that he had Swiss with him. This soldiery had 

1 Passero, 72, 76. 

2 St. Gelais, Extraict d'une histoire in Godefroy, p. 180 (note to new 
edition). His feelings are shown by a letter of 23rd April, given by 
Cherrier, Histoire du Charles VIII., vol. ii. p. 491 : "Je pense faire 
nng tel service au roi, que en long temps en ira parle." 

3 Corio, 941, and Jovius, 38. 

4 Chronicon Venetum, p. 23. 5 Chronicon Venetum, p. 23. 
6 Chronicon Venetum, p. 21. Comines. 



CH. II.] RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII. 79 

always caused nim niuch trouble. At the very outset, on 
the expedition to Naples, their sacking of Eapallo roused 
almost the whole of Genoa to arms against them. In 
Siena their bad discipline again made itself felt. In 
Koine it was within an ace that an open battle took place 
between them and the Spaniards ; and in Naples, on one 
occasion, the shops had to be closed in consequence of their 
tumultuous behaviour. 1 And now, on the retreat, they fell 
upon the city of Pontremoli with pillage and murder, in 
spite of the assurances of the commanders to the con- 
trary, because they thought that they had something still 
to avenge from their previous march through. 2 Their 
exuberance of health and physical strength incited them to 
take disproportionate vengeance for every little insult. 
The same exuberance of health and vigour, however, ren- 
dered them amenable to every good impression. In the 
same way as they had formerly offered to forego the pay 
for which they had undertaken to serve, on condition that 
Charles would promise to guarantee the liberty of Pisa, so 
now did they soon repent that they had destroyed suj:>plies 
that were urgently needed, and represented to the King 
that if he would forgive them they would harness them- 
selves to 3 the cannon that he was at a loss how to trans- 
port across the mountains. A brave knight of the King's 
retinue, of the name of De la Tremouille, undertook to 
lead them. He once, while still a boy, and Louis XL 
was fighting with the barons, in childish earnestness took 
the side of the King, and in his early youth rode away from 
his parents to serve King Charles. He now threw off his 
upper garments ; and when the Swiss, in gangs of one hun- 
dred to two hundred men, attached themselves to a cannon, 
and, pulling all together, dragged it forward a distance, 
then to be relieved by a fresh relay, he would himself 
lend a hand, and address them with words of encourage- 
ment. He had trumpets and clarions sounded until they 
were over the summit, and down at the bottom of the 
steep hill, where men and horses rested. He then ap- 
peared, black from the intense heat of the sun, before 

1 Florus, Allegretti, Burcardus, and Passe ro. 

2 Comines. Spazzarini, Framenti Storici, in Eosmini, ii. 217. 

3 Comines, 508. 



80 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

the King, who said, " You have done like Hannibal did ; 
I will so reward you that also others shall gladly serve 
me." l 

With difficulty they made their way from the source of 
the Magra, that flows to the one sea, to hard by the springs 
of the Taro, that flows to the other. At length the last 
summit was gained. There they saw before them Lom- 
bardy, covered with ripe waving corn and fruit and grapes, 
dight with smiling villages, and intersected with streams. 
But in the foreground, not far from the foot of the range, 
they descried countless tents, and the standards of Venice 
and Milan — an army of nearly 40,000 men. But un- 
molested they pursued their way down, and on the 5th 
July the King took his repast at Fornovo. 2 

He was resolved not to make terms, but to accept battle. 
On both sides of the Taro the valley of Yergerra broadens 
out down towards the Po, surrounded by hills. On the 
right bank, the Lombards had taken up their position. 
What can have been the reason that they did not occupy 
both banks, and so directly face the enemy ? They mainly 
wished to protect the Milanese territory and Parma, which 
was always in a state of sedition, against attack ; Lodo- 
vico himself was strongly opposed to a battle. 3 They 
were drawn up in nine divisions and 140 squadrons ; for 
their wont in battle, as in more serious tournaments, was 
as follows : the greater number remained in camp and 
looked on, whilst the divisions one after another succes- 
sively attacked, fought, and relieved each other. 4 Although 
under arms, they allowed Charles's army to occupy the left 
bank of the shallow river. Forthwith the 3000 Swiss 
kissed the earth, placed themselves with Engilbert's 
Germans and the King's gigantic marksmen in the van- 
guard, and advanced against the enemy. The rearguard 
and the " Bataille," with the great standard surrounding the 
King, consisted of the hommes d'armes. 5 The latter made 

1 Jean Bouchet, Histoire de Mons. de la Tremouille, in the Memoires, 
xiv. p. 150. 2 Desry, 225. 

3 Benedictus, Diarium, p. 1589. Bait. Visconti to Lodovico in 
Bosmini, ii. 218. Carpesanus, Commentarii, 1213. 

4 Excurs in Porzio, Congiura dei Baroni di Napoli. 

5 Comines, 521. Desry, 226. 



CH. II.] RETREAT OP CHARLES VIII. 81 

the sign of the cross on their foreheads and thirsted for the 
fray. The King sat on his one-eyed black charger, Savoye, 
a splendid beast. The colours of France and Brittany 
waved in the plume of his helmet ; the crosses of Jerusalem 
adorned his tabard; to-day his forehead, his eyes, and 
his whole visage flashed war. He spoke : " What say ye, 
sirs ? Will ye live and die with me ? Be not afraid, 
though they are ten times our numbers. God has led us 
hither, and he will lead us home." 1 Whilst he was 
creating new knights, some shots were fired, and three 
divisions of the enemy, in a storm of rain, dashed across 
the river ; the Milanese against the vanguard. When the 
Milanese saw the lowered spears of the Germans and 
Swiss, they hesitated to attack. The Venetians under Gon- 
zaga, mounted upon great horses in full cuirass, even better 
harnessed than the French, were in splendid array. The 
Stradiotti, who were destined to fall upon the flank of the 
royal army, 2 shouted " Marco Victoria." 3 An actual colli- 
sion took place only between the regular cavalry of the 
Venetians and that of the French. When the first 
advanced to the charge, the French sentinels cried, " The 
enemy is there ! " Someone said to the King, " Forward, 
Sire ! " He drew the centre and the rearguard together, 
faced about, came close to the enemy, and met his first 
onslaught. 4 The charge was directed against his right 
wing, and was dangerous so long as lances were being used, 
for those of the Italians were longer. As soon as swords 
were resorted to, the left wing of the King's army, the 
twenty shields under the standard of Aymar de Prie, the 
noblemen of his house, and some valiant Germans, fell upon 
Gonzaga's flank, which tapered off to a thin end, and 
afforded no broad front, as was their habit. When at 
length the Milanese, who had lost courage, were broken 
and hurried down the banks with drawn sAvords, Gonzaga 
himself turned towards the river. 6 A real melee took 

1 Andre de la Vigne, p. 209. 

2 Comines, whence Guicciardini. Oricellarius, p. 70. 

3 Navagero, Storia Venet., p. 1206. 

4 Symphorian Champier, Trophseum Gallicum in Godefroy, 306. 
Graville to Bonchage in Rosmini, 218. 

5 Memoires of de la Tremouille, p. 153. 6 Benedietus, p. 1597. 

G 



82 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

« 

place, in which even the French baggage boys surrounded 
the cuirassiers, four or five round each, and with their 
mattocks drove holes through their armour. But an 
Italian squadron charged once again, and penetrated as far 
as the King. 1 But he warded off the onslaught with his 
right hand and by the aid of his horse. The royal army 
was beyond doubt in advantage ; yet it was no decisive 
one. Pitiglian, who escaped from French captivity, and 
rode back into the Italian camp, kept shouting, " You have 
conquered," until they halted; and, as the French saw 
many lances held aloft, they did not venture to follow 
up their victory. 2 The Taro flowed with blood. Trivulzio 
had a bottle of water fetched therefrom for his little son, 
who was thirsty, as though it were red wine. 3 The boy 
said, " How salty is this wine ! " " My son," answered the 
father, "there is no other in this country." 

The French had repulsed an attack that was never very 
seriously meant. They had not gained any real victory, but 
they were enabled to continue their march. The battle took 
place on the 6th July ; on the 7th, before daybreak, whilst 
mass was being sung and the watch-fires were still burn- 
ing, the King arose, without sound of trumpet or war-cry, 
and took a way, along which all the fortresses were occupied 
and shut their gates against him, so that his knights often 
came with a handful of hay — for they had not more 
wherewith to feed their horses — and the army marched 
from early morn until late at night, ofttimes so thirsty, 
that wherever there was a pond or a pool they jumped 
in up to their middle. 4 Along the whole line of march 

1 According to an account of Gilbert Pointet, the intention of the 
allies was to take the King prisoner (Pilorgerie, Campagne et bulletins, 
p. 356) : — " Nous rompre et prendre ledit seigneur aussi fierement que 
vindrent lesdits ennemis, aussi fierement furent-ils recueilliz, tellement 
que quasi tous furent tuez." But he distinguishes from this the charge 
upon the King, who had only three warriors about him: — "II avait 
son espee traicte combattant contre les ennemys." (Note to new 
edition.) 

2 Bembus, p. 44. Jovius, 43. Corio, 949. Nicole Gilles, Chroniques 
de France, f. 117. 

3 Rebucco in Rosmini, i. 268. 

4 Confines, 537. Vimercatus to Lodovico in Rosmini, ii. 221. 
Gilles. 



CH. II. j RETREAT OF CHARLES VIII. 83 

they left fresh graves behind them. In the same days 
two other battles were fought. 

On the 6th July, Julian advanced towards the French into 
the plain of St. Spirito, to attack G-enoa. The Spinola 
and Adorni made a sortie, 1 which was repulsed ; but on 
the 7th the Genoese assaulted Rapallo, which was in the 
occupation of the French, and made a simultaneous attack 
upon their ships in the bay — both with good success, 
so that Julian lost courage, and took the road 2 upon which 
the King had proceeded. The most important event of all 
took place at Naples. On the 6th July, Ferrantino ap- 
peared with sixty-nine sail in the G-ulf of Naples ; but he 
showed himself neither resolute nor quick. But, on the 
morning of the 7th, as he was sailing past Naples fVom 
Torre, as if bound for Puzzuolo, he suddenly heard from 
within seditious cries, stopped, and approached. He saw 
the flag of Aragon flying upon the bell-tower of Carmelo ; 
and then heard the loud pealing of bells. Then a bark 
shot up to him, whence came shouts of " Lord King, the 
city is yours." 3 A certain Merculian, so Jovius narrates, 4 
the previous day crept stealthily in from the fleet and 
assembled the friends. When they were about to lay hands 
on him, the tumult burst forth — someone having produced 
an Aragon flag from under his coat ; hereupon general 
shouting, waving of flags, and ringing of bells. Some 
ran to Maddalenna, where the King had alighted, fell at 
his feet, and brought him a horse. He rode to the gates 
between Alonso Pescara and his private secretary Chariteo, 5 
who was making Provencal poems the while. The whole 
populace came out of their nouses. They caught hold of 
his sword, and did not heed being wounded so long as 
they could kiss his hand or his coat ; and ever and anon 
they shouted " Fierro " so loudly, that he turned to Chariteo 
and quoted from Juvenal, " It is iron, that they love." 6 So 
they came into the city, whence the French were flying 

1 Senarega, 553. 

2 Folieta, p. 270. Senarega, 554. 

3 Passero, 75. 

4 Historia sui temporis, f. 49, 50. 

5 Edictum Friderici in Vecchioni to Passero, p. 106. 

6 Passero, 77. Jurenalis, vi. 112. 



84 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

and were being robbed or slain. 1 Gaetanians were seen 
with a Frenchman's heart between their teeth. Jean 
Rabot, who lived in lnxury and opulence, scarcely saved 
the most indispensable clothing of his household. 2 But the 
people kissed the King's feet, the ladies wiped the sweat 
from his brow, and maidens threw garlands in his way ; 
all cried, " Long live our true sovereign." At the same 
time the Venetians fell upon Monopoli and took it, and 
Federigo captured the city, court, and castle of Trani, and 
threw its captain, who defended himself with only eight 
others, into the hold of his galley. In the whole kingdom 
the Aragon party was astir and doing. 3 After these events, 
having at last arrived at Asti across the dyke of Tortona, 
Charles could no longer dream of conquering — he must 
confine himself to rescuing the Duke of Orleans, who had 
meantime been shut in Novara, and was in great distress. 

By permission of Maximilian, Friedrich Cappeler of 
Pfirt and G-eorg von Wolkenstein had brought 10,000 
Germans, probably Tyrolese and Suabians, across the 
Alps ; 4 and these, after having been reviewed by Lodovico 
and his wife, lay with the Venetians in one camp, living 
in tents full of abundance (there being before the door of 
almost each one a spring of water), well paid and contented. 
In order to procure suitable troops for the French, where- 
with to oppose this force, the Bailiff of Dijon repaired to 
Switzerland. On the 24th of August he was seen on large 
ships, with music, drums, and joyous cries, sailing up the 
lake towards Lucerne from the Cantons, where he had 
been well received. 6 In Lucerne he feasted daily with his 
friends, was lavish with his money, and was regarded as 
a prince. The latest decrees prohibiting foreign expeditions 
were not heeded. Where the magistracy insisted on their 
observance, the young men climbed over the walls. Where 
it was permitted, the flags floated on the gates and were put 
up on the conduits. Even old men, who had seen the 

1 Villeneufve, Memoires, p. 13. 

2 Lettre in Godefroy, p. 717. 3 Villeneufve, p. 873. 

4 Acta of Worms in Datt, 873. 

5 Benedictus, Diarium. 

6 Ludwig von Diesbach's letter to Lucerne in Glutzblotzheim, 
Schweizer Geschickte, p. 516. 



CH. II.] EETEEAT OF CHARLES VIII. 85 

Duke Charles at Nancy, went also. And so they marched, 
troop by troop, from Martinach, across the mountains, and 
down to Ivrea. On the 7th of September, the first detach- 
ment, all grand, martial fellows, appeared before the King 
in Moncagliere. 1 And none too early ; for Duke Louis in 
Novara, who, although suffering from intermittent fever, 
was yet obliged to visit the guard every day, and his brave 
companions-in-arms, ill from bread made of hand- ground 
coarse meal from unripe corn, 2 signalled their great distress 
by three times lowering and raising their torches each night 
on the highest towers. Even this flour was exhausted, and 
in the streets there were dead and dying to be seen. 3 
Charles now despatched some Swiss to Provence, to cross 
thence to Naples ; but the greater part of them he kept in 
his camp at Yercelli. Their numbers increased daily, and 
made the enemy fear for the result of a battle, and there- 
fore more inclined to make terms/ An arrangement be- 
tween Charles VHI. and Lodovico had been already mooted. 
The first opportunity for the opening of overtures was 
made by the death of the Marquise of Montferrat, when 
Charles, on the occasion of settling her inheritance, sent a 
message to G-onzaga, expressing his sympathy. This led 
to the envoys of both parties incidentally talking of peace. 
At first, heralds went over, and concluded a truce, by virtue 
of which the Duke of Orleans was permitted to leave Novara, 
and received food for his troops. Hereupon negotiations 
were opened as to the peace itself. There sat in Lodovico' s 
chamber, himself, his wife, and the envoys of the League, 
on one side of the table, and on the other the French ; at the 
end were two secretaries for the two parties and the two 
languages, and the negotiations were carried on between 
them. Frequently, when one, two, or three Frenchmen all 
began talking at once, Lodovico interrupted them with 
" Ho, ho ! one at a time ; " and thereupon himself carried on 
the conversation. He brought it about, that at the expira- 
tion of fourteen days, on the 9th of October, all parties 

1 Tschudi Supplementum MS. In Fuchs, Maylandische Feldziige, 
i. p. 212. Stettler, Schvveizer Chronik, 325. 

2 Benedicti Diarium, 1603. Notizie di Novara in Rosmini, 222. 

3 Benedictus, 1619. 

4 Andre de la Vigne, 226. 



86 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

were agreed. 1 He promised to support the French from 
Genoa, as it was a fief of Charles, against Naples, as soon 
as his country belonged entirely to him again. Upon these 
conditions peace was concluded. Early on the morning of 
the 10th, the Venetians burnt their camp, and marched 
away. 2 How could it, as Bembo says was the case, have 
been so disagreeable to them, when the danger that they 
had dreaded was removed, and the expense that they so 
unwillingly bore was at an end ? The treaty moreover was 
concluded under their very eyes. The Duke of Orleans, a 
part of the French nobility — the numbers of his adherents 
are reckoned at about 800 lances — and the Swiss, who had 
joined the expedition in order to enrich themselves, sub- 
mitted but unwillingly to the arrangement. But Charles 
VIII. kept saying, " I have sworn to it, and I will keep it." 
His intention was to pacify Upper Italy, in order to save 
Naples for himself. 3 He now came to Lyons, paid his vow 
in St. Denis, and found France just as he had left it ; yet 
the movement that he had begun in Italy was still stirring. 4 
Scarcely ever has a military expedition been undertaken, 
that, after such a brilliant beginning, resulted in fewer 
immediate consequences, and which was yet indirectly of 
the greatest influence upon the world. Charles's expedition 
may be regarded as the last enterprise undertaken in the 
chivalrous spirit of the Crusades. This spirit now dis- 
appeared. But from this expedition sprang that great 
rivalry between the Spanish and French monarchies that 
from this time forth filled the world, whilst Italy was at 
the same time broken up. 

The ideal unity of the peninsula we have traced above 
has never been re-established. Italy became the battlefield 
of neighbouring nations, and the sovereignty over it the 
prize for which they continuously strove. Also in the 
G-ermans the Roman expeditions, which appeared to have 
been almost forgotten, revived. 

1 Comines, 553-557. 

2 Andre de la Vigne, 227. Benedictus, 1622-1624. 

3 Comines, 553-557. 4 Desrey, 227-228. 



CH. II.] WAR IN NAPLES. 87 



4. War in Naples, 1495-1496. 

In Naples the war still continued. Its object was the 
possession of the city. This was gained by the favour of 
the populace, who drove the enemy into his castles, and 
who, each placing as much as he could give into a collec- 
tion box, paid 500 men for their King, and who even 
marched against the Swiss at Sarno, and repulsed them. 
It succeeded further, because the enemy in his castles 
despaired of all help. After the peace of No vara, two 
Genoese ships arrived, and the French hoped that Lodovico 
had sent them to their assistance. 1 But Lodovico had 
never intended any such thing. When the Venetians 
called out to the Genoese sailors, " Qui vive ?" the latter 
replied, "St. George and Fierro ! Fierro ! " Hereupon in 
the city, trumpets, flying flags, and congratulations on the 
part of the Sopracomiti ; in the castles, sheer despair. 2 
The castles surrendered. Capua, Nola, and the greater 
part of the west coast, followed their example ; and follow- 
ing the Colonna, who had gone over, Aquila and a part of 
the Abruzzi did the same. 

Gonzal had also advanced from Eeggio. The whole 
southern tableland of Calabria, and Sila, which was con- 
quered by the ambushes, stratagems, and surprises his 
soldiers had learnt in the Alpuj arras, in a northerly direc- 
tion as far as the foot of the mountain range, where a 
steep road, in winter quite impracticable, hewn in the solid 
rock, leads from Rotigliano to the Cosentian villages — all 
this, together with the places lying on both sides, he had 
taken either by force or faction. Here he stopped. 3 It 
was now December. In spite of their sudden change of 
feeling, it is not quite correct to complain of the incon- 
stancy of this people. Whenever a party which has re- 
ceived its affections with its birth, and which has seen it- 
self the victim of sudden oppression, becomes roused at 
the first opportunity, this must be called obstinacy rather 

1 Passero, 78-90. 2 Villeneufve, 43-45. 

3 Zurita, f. 72, compared with Sejours d'un officier en Calabre, 1821. 
Geographically better than Bartels. 



88 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

than inconstancy. We will suppose two almost equal 
parties, united not only by disposition, but also by property ; 
for the one has often lost its goods to the other, or wrested 
them from it in return. In their case, a successful cam- 
paign and battle won, or favourable tidings, may help up 
the one, whilst a chance accident, and the crime of an in- 
dividual, may oppress and dishearten the other ; so that, 
in order not to subject itself, but to await another oppor- 
tunity, it hastes to secure itself on this occasion as far as 
possible by making terms. No one will accuse the English 
of natural cowardice, but in those days they acted in the 
same manner, and for the same identical reasons. "Where 
relationships are sundered by disunion, by an enmity which 
only aims at the recognition of a privilege, or a superiority 
of the one and not the complete destruction of the other, 
in proportion as hatred is weakened, is martial ardour di- 
minished. Often, when they had already taken the field 
in order to fight, the Aragons thought of the losses of their 
Anjou relatives, would not engage and were considered 
cowardly. 1 Under such circumstances, the war could not 
be brought to a close in a moment. 

From the west he turned eastwards across the hills. 
Here there stretches away the well- watered plain of 
Apulia, arid notwithstanding, on which, at all events in 
those days, not a single tree grew, and where fennel stalks 
served as fuel. Upon this plain there was no village, but 
at harvest time the respective owners of the soil came from 
their towns and castles with waggons and oxen, remained 
all night in the open, and only returned when they had 
finished their work. At times, there grazed upon the 
royal meads of Tavoliera, sixty miles in extent, a strange 
herd of cattle. 2 For towards the winter there came down 
from the Abruzzian mountains, passing by Serra Capreola, 
several hundred thousand sheep, goats, and beeves, who 
remained there until the early spring, when they returned 
to the fresh herbage of their hills. In those days they 
were the King's best source of revenue in Foggia, as they 
once were of the Roman Republic, bringing in 100,000 
ducats. In order to collect this revenue, there hurried 

1 Zurita, f. 86, 96. 2 Leaiider Alberti, Descriptio ItaJiae. 



CH. II.] WAR IN NAPLES. 89 

across it in February, 1496 — Ferrantino to Foggia and 
Montpensier to St. Severo. In the little guerilla warfare 
which they began there a marvellous deed is recorded. 
About 700 Germans under Ferrantino, who had taken 
the road from Troja to Foggia, were suddenly surrounded 
and attacked by several thousand French. At once 
forming a ring, they beat off the enemy with their mus- 
kets ; and then, for they wished to proceed on their 
way, they opened their ranks, and 200 of them dashed 
ahead to clear the road. But their captain, Hederlin, had 
fallen ; they bound his corpse on a horse, took it in their 
midst, and pushed forward. They would then have re- 
mained unharmed, had they not had to cross a river. In 
so doing they divided their forces, which made it easy for 
the enemy to attack them. Over the whole field of 
Marsaria, and along the road, lay corpses, just as life and 
blood had left them. They all died. Italians and 
Spaniards have sung their praises once or twice since then ; 
but never a German. 1 This deed is remarkable not for 
its success, but for the prowess displayed. Yet Ferrantino 
immediately after had the advantage again. He had 
pledged five places in Apulia, the best situated in the 
country, to the Signorie of Venice for their war expenses, 
and pledging was almost tantamount to selling. The Stra- 
diotti, who in return for this transaction joined him, even 
took the cattle away from the French, which were being 
driven for them to St. Severo. 2 Here, there, and every- 
where, always attacking and never awaiting the enemy's 
attack, they made the King master of the plain, so that 
both Lodovico in the west and Venice in the east aided 
Ferrantino to victory ; yet the Republic afforded by far 
the greatest assistance. In the south, Gronzal, as early as 
February, had mounted up to the Cosentian villages on 
the hills, had subjected Cosenza, except its castle, and all 
the fortresses of the Crato valley, whether they would or 
no, as well as the whole mountain chain as far as the second 
passes, where it slopes down from Castrovillare to Campo 
Temesse, and had instituted everywhere Aragon judges. 3 

1 Jovius, 71. Passero, p. 97. Zurita, 73. 

2 Bembus, 57. Also Guicciardini, ii. 149. 

3 Zurita. 84, 96. 



90 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

The Colonna had possession of the Abruzzi in the north, 
the western and eastern slope of the hills were Aragon ; l 
and so the French were obliged to pass through their midst 
into the province of Molise, although they were disunited, 
without money, and ignorant of hill-warfare. Ferrantino 
immediately went in search of them there. At Morcone 
they both again faced each other ; at Frangete only a ditch 
parted them. A collision appeared to be inevitable. In 
Naples, processions were held for two days, because the 
King would have to fight at Benevento. In Calabria, too, 
he was not quite safe. In Laino were gathered the barons 
that had fled before G-onzal, and who now cherished 
the plan of joining Aubigny, who was still at Tropea, 
in order with united forces to relieve Cosenza. Before 
they could make up their minds, 2 G-onzal sallied forth at 
night, seized the passes, occupied the bridge between the 
city and castle of Laino, possessed himself of both, and 
took fourteen barons and many knights prisoners. 3 Whilst 
he was coming up from the south, Ferrantino drove the 
enemy before him from the north, by way of Ariano and 
Jesualdo, from place to place, until he caught him up in 
Atella. 4 Here he occupied the hills, covered with woods and 
vineyards, which surround the valley on three sides. He 
only left the road from Venosa open. This road G-onzal 
blocked. 5 When now the French made an attempt to 
break through, Ferrantino was the first to break his lance 
upon them ; and when his knights said to him, " Sir, how 
dare you expose yourself so much?" he replied, "It is 
my affair also." In this way he fired the zeal of his troops, 
and soon drove the enemy back. 6 The latter hoped against 
hope in their King, but he was too far away, and they were 
perishing from hunger. They accordingly begged for a 
thirty days' truce ; if at the expiration of it they were then 
unable to take the field, they pledged themselves to leave 
the kingdom and surrender their strongholds. The days 
passed ; succour did not arrive, and at length they were all 

1 Tarfia, Historise Cupersanenses, in Gramus. Ital. Thes., ix. p. 48. 

2 Passero, 100. 

3 Jovius, Vita Consalvi Magni, p. 220. 

4 Baldi Gundubaldo, p. 156. 5 Zurita, 91-95. 
6 Passero, 101. Unrest, Oesterreichische Chronik, p. 798. 



CH. II.] WAR IN NAPLES. 91 

— for Aubigny had also surrendered — conducted to the 
coast. Here, heat, hunger, and dire diseases left only 1,500 
men out of 6,000, and these took ship in such an exhausted 
condition that they had almost to be lifted on shore, 
if they were ever to breathe the air of the land again. 1 
Others came into captivity, sat behind wooden and iron 
gratings in dark cells, where they saw no living creature, 
except perhaps the Moor who brought them their food. 2 At 
last they were set free. These fugitives might be seen, with 
the iron chains of their captivity still about their necks, 
betaking themselves to holy places and to the court of the 
King. They were contented to see his face once more ; 
they took his presents, and wished him long life. 3 

After this great victory over the French, on the 5th 
October, 1496, Ferrantino returned with his young wife 
to Naples. 4 The people, whom he had allowed to choose 
a fuller as their Eletto, who was permitted to carry the 
Mappa 5 on Corpus Christi day, which had been a privilege 
of the nobles — and who, if he lived, might hope for many 
other favours at his hand — loved him from the bottom of 
their hearts. Many of them imitated him, how he raised 
and bowed his head, 6 and they believed they had a hero in 
him. And now he came back to them ; but he was sick 
to death. The people spent the whole night before the 
saints on their knees. Early in the morning, they carried 
a wonder-working image of Mary through the streets, and 
brought it to him ; in the evening there followed in grand 
procession, clerics and laymen, men and women, and even 
the nobles, behind the head and blood of St. Januarius, 
which their Archbishop carried before them through the 
streets, until they were come to the gate of the palace. 
Here the old Queen knelt down, and the people cried, 
" Misericordia." He spoke to them, and said, " Finish 
your prayers ; G-od will do as seemeth him best," and 
then died. " O our master," they said, " wherefore hast 

1 Schodeler in Fuchs, iii. Anshelm. 

2 Villeneufve, Mem., p. 74. 

3 Villeneufve, Mem., p. 87. 

4 Passero, 105, 107. (Note to new edition.) Giacomo, 205. 

5 Passero, 101, 102. Giacomo, 209. 

6 Cortegiano, from Castiglione, vol. i. 



92 



LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 



[BK. I. 



thou left us so soon ? Thy prowess, thy prowess in battle, 
equalled by no hero of old, where is it now? By thy 
death it is gone." Another said, " How shall I now live, 
O my master, I that have borne so many hardships to 
earn thy favour?" Some reminded that he had often 
been in danger of poison ; but he had escaped such a death, 
and now he had passed away gently at the goal of his 
victories. 1 Federigo, his uncle, succeeded to the throne in 
his stead. 

And now it almost appeared as though Charles's expe- 
dition, which certainly never vanquished the Turks or took 
Jerusalem, was not even productive of any lasting effects 
upon Italy — Lodovico and Federigo were even reconciled. 
Yet it was not so in reality. The Florentine Popolares, the 
Orsini, who now opposed the Pope instead of the Colonna, 
as well as the unconquered cities in the kingdom, Tarentum, 
Bitonto, Sora, Roca G-uilielma, formed a strong party, and 
every day Charles, their suzerain, thought of returning to 
them again. These were confronted by the Liga. The 
Italian members of it would have been quite contented 
with a victory over their enemies in Italy. The foreign 
members desired more. Ferdinand was thinking of his 
claims to Naples, and made inquiries of the Pope in re- 
spect thereof. 2 Maximilian hoped, with the assistance of 
this Liga, to strike a blow at France itself. 



1 Passero, 107-110. 

2 Zurita, i. 101-103, whence Mariana, 26, 14. 



CHAPTER in. 

1. Maximilian of Austria and the Empire. 

IN reality Maximilian wished first of all to aid the Liga 
to conquer in Italy, and then to place himself at its 
head, and attack France. 

He was lord of Austria and the Netherlands. It 
might have been abont 600 years previously that, between 
the Alps and the Bohemian frontier, the mark Austria 
was first founded round and about the castles of Krems 
and Melk. 1 Since then, beginning first in the valley towards 
Bavaria and Hungary, and coming to the House of Habs- 
burg, it had extended across the whole of the northern 
slope of the Alps until where the Slavish, Italian, and 
G-erman tongues part, and over to Alsace ; thus becoming 
an archduchy from a mark. On all sides the Archdukes 
had claims ; on the G-erman side to Switzerland, on the 
Italian to the Venetian possessions, and on the Slavish to 
Bohemia and Hungary. 

To such a pitch of greatness had Maximilian by his 
marriage with Maria of Burgundy brought the heritage re- 
ceived from Charles the Bold. True to the Netherlander' s 
greeting, in the inscription over their gates, " Thou art 
our Duke, fight our battle for us," war was from the first 
his handicraft. He adopted Charles the Bold's hostile 
attitude towards France ; he saved the greatest part of 
his inheritance from the schemes of Louis XI. Day and 
night it was his whole thought, to conquer it entirely. 

But after Maria of Burgundy's premature death, revo- 
lution followed revolution, and his father Frederick being 
too old to protect himself, it came about that in the year 
1488 he was ousted from Austria by the Hungarians, 

1 Kurz, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Oesterreich, iii. 226 (note to new 
edition). Cf. Budinger, Oesterreich. Geschichte, i. p. 167. 



94 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

whilst his son was kept a prisoner in Bruges by the 
citizens, and they had even to fear the estrangement of the 
Tyrol. Yet they did not lose courage. At this very time 
the father denoted with the vowels A. E. I. 0. TJ. (" Alles 
Erdreich ist Oesterreich unterthan " — all the earth is sub- 
ject to Austria), the extent of his hopes. In the same 
year, the son negotiated for a Spanish alliance. Their real 
strength lay in the imperial dignity of Frederick, and in 
the royal dignity of Maximilian, which they had from the 
German Empire. As soon as it began to bestir itself, 
Maximilian was set at liberty; as soon as it supported 
him in the persons of only a few princes of the Empire, 
he became lord in his Netherlands. The standard of the 
Kennemer, with its device of bread and cheese, floated 
before Leyden for the last time, and the last Hok, Philip 
of Ravenstein, surrendered Sluys to him. 1 It was the 
same help that secured him the Tyrol, and which enabled 
him to reconquer Austria. 2 

Since then, his plans were directed against Hungary and 
Burgundy. In Hungary, he could gain nothing except secur- 
ing the succession to his house. 3 But never, frequently as 
he concluded peace, did he give up his intentions upon Bur- 
gundy. He might have hoped to compass them if Anna 
of Brittany had only been his wife. On the day that he 
learned that she was not to become so, he threw himself 
in a fit of bitter disappointment into the saddle, and 
appeared again and again on the race ground. 4 But on 
this occasion the German Empire took no account of his 
indignation. But now that he had allied himself with a 
Sforza, and had joined the Liga, now that his father was 
dead, and the Empire was pledged to follow him across 
the mountains, and now, too, that the Italian complica- 
tions were threatening Charles, he took fresh hope, and 
in this hope he summoned a Diet at Worms. 

Maximilian was a prince of whom, although many por- 

1 Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Austriac. Hermanni helium Gelricum, 
530. 

2 Speech of Berthold of Mayence of the year 1492 in Midler's Reichs- 
tagstheatrum. 

3 Document in Sambucus, Appendix ad Bonfinium. 

4 Ehrenspiegel, p. 1368. 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 95 

traits have been drawn, yet there is scarcely one that 
resembles another, so easily and so entirely did he suit 
himself to circumstances, so little was he controlled by 
one occupation or one inclination, — a prince of whose 
character his contemporaries have left behind them 
detailed descriptions, yet not a single satisfactory his- 
tory. His soul is full of motion, of joy in things, and 
of plans. There is scarcely anything that he is not 
capable of doing. In his mines he is a good screener, 
in his armoury the best plater, capable of instructing 
others in new inventions. With musket in hand, he de- 
feats his best marksman, George Purkhard ; with heavy 
cannon, which he has shown how to cast, and has placed 
on wheels, he comes as a rnle nearest the mark. 1 He 
commands seven captains in their seven several tongues ; 
he himself chooses and mixes his food and medicines. 2 
In the open country, he feels himself happiest. He rides 
by copses listening for the nightingale, — it may be to 
the forests of Brabant, to hunt the boar, — to the Tyrol 
mountains, where he has forbidden the hunting of the 
chamois because firearms have left so few remaining. 3 
Here he leaves his horse behind, and in pursuit of them 
climbs the steep rocks where, if he makes a false step, 
he may fall four hundred to five hundred fathoms, and 
where sometimes, when the climbing iron has given way, 
a bush or projecting stone alone has saved him from 
destruction, and where, on one occasion, in the Hallthal, 
he heard the avalanche thnnder at his back. 4 The com- 
mon people tell stories of how he was once let down by 
strong ropes from the heights into the valley beneath, and 
on another occasion, when this was impracticable, and 
a crucifix was already raised towards him from the valley 
as though to receive his dying prayer, an angel rescued 
him from the Martinswand. On his return from such 
an expedition, his fowler brings him all manner of singing 

1 Weiskunig, 83, 90, 99. 

2 Griinbeck, Historia Friedrichs unci Maximilians, p. 84. Cuspini- 
anus, Maximiliani in Vitse Irnperatorum, p. 613. 

3 Weiskunig, 91. 

4 Griinbeck, Ehrenspiegel, 1381. 

5 Pontus Heuterus, 343, and the legends. 



96 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

birds into his chamber, who drown his very voice in their 
melody. Or, again, he goes to one of his servants' 
weddings, or listens confidentially to the prayers of his 
subjects, or it may be relates a story to his counsellors 
and secretaries. Sometimes he dictates a piece from his 
enigmatical and almost unfathomable works, 1 a note for his 
diary, as, for instance, how priest Lasla is to compile the 
Chronicles, 2 or one of his very exact instructions as, for in- 
stance, how it were possible with a makeshift musket to shoot 
across into the kitchen 3 at Beutelstein, or perhaps a letter. 
Such is his character. But this has little to do with history. 
What really distinguishes his public life is that presenti- 
ment of the future greatness of his dynasty which he has 
inherited of his father, and the restless striving to attain 
all that devolved upon him from the House of Bur- 
gundy. All his policy and all his schemes were concen- 
trated, not upon his Empire, for the real needs of which he 
evinced little real care, and not immediately upon the 
welfare of his hereditary lands, but upon the realization 
of that sole idea. Of it all his letters and speeches are 
full. Yet each individual plan he keeps extremely secret. 
There are projects that he communicates to none of his 
counsellors. 4 At such times he places the foreign em- 
bassies in positions where they learn nothing, and from 
which they cannot escape. Then he sends his cook only 
an hour in advance of himself, when he intends to take 
a journey. 5 Whenever he fancies his plans are discerned, 
the veins in his neck swell, and he becomes wroth. 6 It 
will sometimes happen that the matter upon which he 
is bent, after he has undertaken it, presents difficulties 
for which he is not prepared, 7 but, as he has always 
other schemes, which lead to the same end, he soon 
forgets his failures. Thus, in such matters, he behaves 
like a huntsman, who is bent upon climbing a very steep 

1 Griinbeck, 90. Henric. Pantaleon, de Viris illustribus, p. 1. Eoo, 
Annales rerum ab Austriacis principibus gestarum, 316. 

2 A passage therefrom in Hormayr's Oesterr. Plutarch, v. 159. 

3 Instruction in Goblers Chronika der Kriegshandel, f. 1. 

4 Macchiavelli, Principe, c. 23, p. 60, out of the mouth of Pre Luca. 

5 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Massimiliano, p. 193. 

6 Hubertus Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici Palatini, lib. iii. No. 7. 

7 Histoire de Bayard, 179. 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 97 

hill, first by this path and then by that, and if he fails, 
attempts another and yet another way without losing 
patience ; for it is now quite early in the day, and he 
gradually mounts higher and higher, his sole care beine 
to hide himself from the wild animal he pursues. 

In March, 1495, Maximilian came to the Diet at Worms. 
He showed himself in his full chivalrous bearing, when 
he himself entered the lists with a Frenchman, who had 
come to challenge all the Germans, and conquered him. He 
appeared in the full glory of his regal dignity, when he 
sat in public between the archbishops and his chancellors. 
On such occasions, the Count Palatine sat on his right and 
held his orb, on his left stood the Duke of Saxony and 
held his sword ; before him, facing him, stood the envoy of 
Brandenburg with the sceptre, and behind him, instead 
of Bohemia, the hereditary cupbearer of Limburg, with the 
crown ; and grouped round him were the rest of the forty 
princes, sixty- seven counts and lords, as many as had come, 
and the ambassadors of the cities, and others, all in their 
order. 1 Then a prince would come before him, lower his 
colours before the royal throne, and receive enfeoffment. 
One could not perceive that this mode of enfeoffment in- 
volved any compulsion upon the King, or that the insignia 
of royal power resided in the hands of the princes. 

At this Reichstag the King gained two momentous 
prospects. In Wurtemberg there had sprung of two lines 
two counts of quite opposite characters. The elder was 
kind-hearted, tender, always resolute, and dared " sleep 
in the lap of any one of his subjects." 2 The younger, 
volatile, unsteady, violent, and always repentant of what he 
had done. 3 Both were named Eberhard, but the elder, by 
special f avour of the Imperial Court, also governed the land 
of the younger. In return for this, he furnished 400 
horse for the Hungarian war, and despatched aid against 
Flanders. With the elder, Maximilian now entered 

1 Bernh. Herzog, Elsasser Chronik, ii. f. 150, in Datt, de pace publica, 
613. Linturius, Appendix ad Rotewinkii Fascicul. tempor. in Pistorius, 
Scriptt. Germ. ii. 594. 

2 Pfister, Eberhard in Bart, p. 60. 

3 Ulrich's lamentations in Sattler, iv., and in Spittlers Geschichte 
von Wiirttemberg, 46. 



98 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

into a compact. Wurtemberg was to be raised to a duke- 
dom — an elevation which excluded the female line from 
the succession— and, in the event of the stock failing, was 
to be a M widow's portion " of the realm to the use of the 
Imperial Chamber. 1 Now, as the sole hopes of this family 
centred in a weakling of a boy, this arrangement held out 
to Maximilian and his successors the prospect of acquiring 
a splendid country. Yet this was the smaller of his two 
successes. The greater was the espousal of his children, 
Philip and Margaret, with the two children of Ferdinand 
the Catholic, Juana and Juan, which was here settled. 2 
This opened to his house still greater expectations, — it 
brought him at once into the most intimate alliance with 
the Kings of Spain. 

These matters might possibly, however, have been ar- 
ranged elsewhere. What Maximilian really wanted in the 
Reichstag at Worms was the assistance of the Empire 
against the French, with its world-renowned and much- 
envied soldiery. 

For at that time in all the wars of Europe, German 
auxiliaries were decisive. The troops upon which Wasil- 
jewitsch depended when he led his Muscovites against 
the Poles, 3 and those who subjected Sweden to the Union, 4 
were German, as were also those which died in England 
for the cause of the Yorks on the place 5 where they had 
awaited the battle. Those who made the possession of 
Brittany by the crown of France uncertain, as well as those 
who conquered it, were also Germans ; 6 the defenders as 
well as the conquerors of Naples ; the subduers of Hun- 
gary, as long as it suited them, as also those who saved 
it in going home with their booty, 7 all were Germans. 
But these were the quarrelsome, wandering portion of 
the nation, those hirelings against whom the peace pro- 
clamations were directed. In Germany there still lived 
peasants, like the Ditmarses, who awaited a victorious 

1 Pfister,27l, 297. 

2 Zurita, f. 79. Petrus Martyr, Epp. 96. 

3 Letter in Kaynaldus, Annal. Eccles. xx. 141. 

4 Kranz, Vandalia, xiv. 27. 

5 Polydorus Virgilius, Historia Anglica, 26, 729. 

6 Miiller, Schweizer Geschichte, v. 318. 

7 Maximilian's proclamation in Datt, 496. 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 99 

army, under a king of three realms, behind their walls, and 
defeated it, and who hanged the Danebrog in a village 
church. In the cities there dwelt behind their impreg- 
nable walls and their cannon, citizens versed in the use 
of arms, who practised their good arts and games until 
irritated by an enemy, when they met him, as the Stras- 
burgers did Charles the Bold before Nancy. 1 Less secure 
were perhaps princes and lords, yet these had castles to pro- 
tect them against the first attack, and feudal tenants and 
faithful subjects ever about them. If Maximilian had 
united the whole of this power in his hand, neither 
Europe nor Asia would have been able to withstand him. 
But Grod disposed that it should rather be employed in 
the cause of freedom than for oppression. What an Em- 
pire was that which in spite of its vast strength allowed its 
Emperor to be expelled from his heritage, and did not for 
a long time take steps to bring him back again ? 

If we examine the constitution of the Empire, not as we 
should picture it to ourselves in Henry III.'s time, but as 
it had at length become — the legal independence of the 
several estates, the emptiness of the imperial dignity, 
the electiveness of a head, that afterwards exercised cer- 
tain rights over the electors, — we are led to inquire not 
so much into the causes of its disintegration, for this 
concerns us little, as into the way in which it was held 
together. 

What welded it together, and preserved it, would 
(leaving tradition and the Pope out of the question) appear, 
before all else, to have been the rights of individuals, the 
unions of neighbours, and the social regulations which 
universally obtained. Such were those rights and privileges 
that not only protected the citizen, his guild, and his 
quarter of the town against his neighbours and more 
powerful men than himself, but which also endowed him 
with an inner independence; those rights and privileges 
that secured his rightful possessions to the greatest, and his 
existence to the least ; a legacy left by each generation to 
the succeeding, unalterable either by emperor or empire 
who had confirmed them, but which were without them 

1 Konigshofer, Strassburger Chronik, 379. 



100 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

a mere nothing. Next, the unions of neighbours. These 
were not only leagues of cities and peasantries, ex- 
panded from ancient fraternities — for who can tell the 
origin of the Hansa, or the earliest treaty between Uri and 
Schwyz? — into large associations, or of knights, who 
strengthened a really insignificant power by confedera- 
tions of neighbours, but also of the princes, who were 
bound together by joint inheritances, mutual expectancies, 
and the ties of blood, which in some cases were very close. 
This ramification, dependent upon a supreme power and 
confirmed by it, bound neighbour to neighbour ; and, whilst 
securing to each his privilege and his liberty, blended to- 
gether all countries of Germany in legal bonds of union. 
But it is only in the social regulations that the unity 
was really perceivable. Only as long as the Empire was 
an actual reality, could the supreme power of the Electors, 
each with his own special rights, be maintained ; only so 
long could dukes and princes, bishops and abbots hold 
their neighbours in due respect, and through court offices 
or hereditary services, through fiefs and the dignity of 
their independent position, give their vassals a peculiar 
position to the whole. Only so long could the cities 
enjoying immediateness under the Empire, carefully 
divided into free and imperial cities, be not merely 
protected, but also assured of a participation in the 
government of the whole. Under this sanctified and tradi- 
tional system of suzerainty and vassalage all were happy 
and contented, and bore a love to it such as is cherished 
towards a native town or a father's house. 

For some time past, the House of Austria had enjoyed 
the foremost position. It also had a union, and, more- 
over, a great faction on its side. The union was the 
Suabian League. Old Suabia was divided into three 
leagues — the league of the peasantry (the origin of Swit- 
zerland) ; the league of the knights in the Black Forest, 
on the Kocher, the Neckar, and the Danube ; and the 
league of the cities. 

^The peasantry were from the first hostile to Austria. 
The Emperor Frederick brought it to pass that the cities 
and knights, that had from time out of mind lived in feud, 
bound themselves together with several princes, and formed, 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 101 

under his protection, the league of the land of Suabia. 
But the party was scattered throughout the whole Empire. 

In almost every G-erman house was a division into 
an elder and a younger line ; and, as though fated, it 
happened that one, generally the younger, clave to the 
Emperor. Of the Bavarian House, it was at last that of 
Munich ; of the Palatinate, that of Veldenz ; of the Wur- 
temberg House, the Urach line ; of the Saxon, the Dresden ; 
of the Hessian, the Marburg; and of the G-uelph, the 
Brunswick. Most friendly to the Imperial House were 
the Houses of Brandenburg and Baden, which were for a 
long time undivided; the most hostile to him, since Frede- 
rick the Victorious, the Palatinate. He who takes in 
hand all historical documents, especially the electoral rolls 
of the ecclesiastical princes, and narrowly scrutinizes 
these dry historical details, will be able to discover, from 
Frederick II.' s time, a new history, unlike Haberlin's, 
founded upon persons and living actions. 

But it is not that upon which the Emperor's hallowed 
position in the nation reposed. This was based before all 
else upon his dignity, the sublimest in Christendom, the 
keystone of that social order, and upon the custody of 
traditional rights — a custody, so to speak, of times past 
for times to come, which lay in his hand, and which 
was bound up with the distribution of new rights through 
the medium of privileges and fiefs. His position was 
based, moreover, upon the universal judicial office he 
filled, as well as upon the great influence he exercised 
upon public matters by his motions, proposals, and party 
in the "Reichstag." "His name is great," says a papal 
deputy ; " in a land of factions he can do much. Every- 
one looks to him ; and without him nothing can be 
done." ] In this respect there were, however, great defi- 
ciencies. Freedoms were often bestowed out of mere per- 
sonal considerations, and to the prejudice of others ; judicial 
business was frequently kept in arrear, if the parties did 
not come to court with sufficient money ; domestic matters 
were often made affairs of general policy, and real 
needs neglected. The princes complained that the Em- 

1 Campanus ad Cardinalem Papiensem in Freherus, ii. 148. 



102 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I, 

peror did not consult them, but his counsellors. Much 
arbitrariness, the taking as much as one can get, on the 
one side, and uncomplaisancy and unwillingness, doing as 
little as need be, on the other, were observable in his 
regime. 

Maximilian had first intended to remain fourteen days 
at Worms ; and, before Charles had returned from Naples, 
with the help of the vassals of the realm, to undertake an 
expedition against him. Yet his proposal did not express 
this intention. It was as follows : "Whereas the Turk twice 
each year assailed Christendom ; and whereas the King 
of France threatened to bring the prerogatives of the Em- 
pire and the Church into his power, a speedy and, more than 
this — for they had equipped themselves for a long cam- 
paign, — a continuous aid for ten to twelve years was 
needed." x 

But here lay the chief difficulty, to induce a constitu- 
tion only framed for peace, or at most fitted to carry on a 
short war, to undertake a protracted campaign at a dis- 
tance. To this end either the dormant military power of 
the vassals, princes, knights, citizens, and peasants could 
be utilized, or else the lansquenets, who were always ready 
to serve for pay. But the feudal system had fallen into 
decay, owing no less to the Emperor, who left the indivi- 
dual unaided, than to the individuals who did not, on their 
part, support him. It still lived on only in respect of 
" Mine and Thine," and not with any view to war ; it existed 
more in claims and in parchments than in actual fact. It 
was impossible to unite the first in military obedience for 
any length of time, so as to undertake a real campaign. 
Maximilian's intention, therefore, was to raise money 
through his claims upon them, and with this money to form 
an army of lansquenets. This was the tenour of his pro- 



This proposal was received by the estates at Worms in 
full assembly at the city hall. Hereupon they with- 
drew — the Electors into one chamber, the princes into 
a second, and the emissaries of the cities into a third, 
and began to examine article after article. The printed 

1 Reichstags acta von Worms, 13. 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 103 

records do not quite disclose the relations of the princes to 
the electors ; but of the cities thus much we know, that 
their commission was, to agree to what the gracious lords 
resolved, and only to protect the interests of each individual 
city. They would not, even when asked, make known their 
opinion until the princes had declared theirs. They often 
learnt from the Elector of Mayence what had been proposed 
to them, and what they had determined upon. In case they 
had any scruples they sent, perchance after their meal, 
to him direct. The King when confronted by the full 
assembly appeared at a great disadvantage. In case he 
desired a rapid decision, he was even obliged to go out 
whilst they were deliberating, and await outside the result. 

These estates, then, that have in their hereditary in- 
dependence as little in common with the representative 
estates of a military monarchy, as the Empire of those 
days with a political state, answered the King, that, before 
all else, order in the Empire must be secured. When, in 
1486, Frederick pressed them for assistance against the 
Hungarians, they cast in his teeth complaints as to his 
judicial conduct ; and when, in 1492, he proposed a French 
campaign, they replied, following the example of Berthold 
von Mainz : "It was an evil innovation, the reckoning of 
assistance in money. Many were excused the contribu- 
tion ; many paid only half ; many, again, too late ; those 
that paid it were ruined; and, finally, it was spent for 
different objects than it had been granted for." All the 
same, they did not declare themselves against pecuniary 
assistance, but they wished to counteract those two evils 
by the aid of the tribunals, and by assisting in the appro- 
priation of the moneys voted. 

At the present moment, both parties, they and the 
King, pursued their own ends. On three occasions, Maxi- 
milian was particularly pressing. The first occasion was 
in, April, when the preparations of the Duke of Orleans 
threatened Milan, and Charles's retreat menaced the Pope 
and Genoa, and he could still hope to find him in the 
field, far away from his country. But the princes took 
upon themselves to propose to him a Council of State, 
with him as president, but which should contain six- 
teen members, composed of the Electors, the four arch- 



104 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

bishoprics, the four countries and the cities, and which 
should, in reality, exercise all internal power. In this 
first dispute Maximilian gained the day. Berthold von 
Mainz said, " They did not wish to mortgage the King's 
person for this assistance they voted him; they would 
acquiesce in his wishes and trust him." Acting upon this 
sentiment, they promised him that, although he rejected 
their Council of State, they would, within six weeks, raise 
100,000 guilders from the estates ; 50,000 he should raise 
himself, and both sums should be covered by a general 
tax levied on the country ; only he should not leave the 
land before peace, right, and a tolerable state of order was 
established. This was the first time. 1 

The peace was not established, the money was not paid, 
and the six weeks had long passed by. 

On the second occasion, when Charles was in the Floren- 
tine country, and messengers announced that Milan was in 
danger, he declared as follows : " For two days, from eight 
o'clockinthe morning until eightatnight,hehadbusiedhim- 
self with the peace project ; in two days he hoped to have 
settled it ; in the meanwhile they should be good enough 
to vote him the money." Many were opposed to this, 
especially the cities. But he prevailed upon some princes 
to grant him the money ; and Berthold induced the repre- 
sentatives of the cities to write, at all events, to their 
respective homes. He was successful on this occasion also. 
It was in July. 2 

After this, at the beginning of August, when Novara was 
being besieged, and a victory of the Swiss was apprehended, 
in case the lansquenets, who had been sent thither, were 
not regularly paid, he made fresh demands. But on this 
occasion he could prevail upon nobody. On the afternoon 
of the 4th of August he adopted the plans provisionally, 
and on the 7th definitively, and received on the 9th a fresh 
vote of 150,000 guilders. 3 

What can it then have been that the King was unwilling 

1 Acta, § 25. Miiller's Reichstagsstaat, p. 11. Besserer's letter to 
Esslinger in Datt, de pace publica, 521. 

2 Acta § 47, § 55, § 56. 

3 Acta §§ 69-74, in Datt, de pace publica, pp. 873-883. Cf. Ullmann, 
Kaiser Maximilian, i. p. 374. 



CH. III.] MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA AND THE EMPIRE. 105 

to face ? Certainly not the public peace, that had been so 
often proclaimed, but the Supreme Court of Judicature, a 
Court constituted with the advice and consent of the Diet, 
and which, moreover, as was plainly evidenced by later 
references to the events of this day, was composed in the 
way in which it was intended to compose the Council of 
State, so that hereby a great part of his absolute judicial 
power was taken from him. Yet in the matter nearest 
his heart still greater difficulties presented themselves. 
It was resolved to raise an universal "pfennig" tax — no 
small contribution, as it would amount to the thousandth 
part of the property of the public, and in many districts, 
taxes and assessments were at this time unknown. 1 The 
object would have been to bring every individual in all 
Germany immediately under the central imperial govern- 
ment, and always to keep a good sum in reserve for public 
matters. 

This " pfennig " was for the King, but it was not pro- 
posed to leave it to his absolute control. Seven imperial 
treasurers should be told off to raise it, and an annual diet 
appointed to keep watch over its application. On the evening 
before the "Feast of the Purification" in each year, King, 
princes, and all estates should assemble, and remain a 
whole month together to deal with the public peace and law. 
This assembly could not do aught but diminish the King's 
independence and his whole prestige. What availed him 
the money, when another could determine how it should 
be employed ? But on this occasion it could not be avoided. 
With but few knights, without any reception, Maximilian 
arrived in Frankfort. On the great Braunfels there, he 
delivered the simple red judge's staff with its black handle 
to the first justiciary, Eitel Frederick von Zollern, and 
then, in disgust that his chief object had been defeated, be- 
took himself to the Tyrol. Charles was home again ; in 
Milan peace prevailed, and all his plans had been bridled. 2 

1 Kanzow, Pomerauia, ii. xiv. 414. 

2 § 57, 7, Datt, de pace publica, 606, 717. Vogt, Rheinische Ge- 
schichten, iii. xiv. 365. MS. of Latom in Lersner's Cbronik von Frank- 
furt a/M., 128. 



106 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. 



2. Maximilian's First Expedition to Italy. 

In the Tyrol, Maximilian was visited by the ambassadors 
of Italy ; they represented to him that " the King of France 
was every day threatening to return. The Popolares at 
Florence, his keenest partisans, had been bold enough to 
attack Pisa. Against the former, as also against these latter, 
they prayed him to come and wage war, and not, when they 
had so great need of him, to be again thwarted by a Reichs- 
tag." Maximilian turned his attention entirely to Italian 
affairs, and inclined to the hope that he would be able, 
even without material assistance from Germany, to carry 
one of his plans. 

The condition of things in Pisa and Florence was now as 
follows. When King Charles took Pisa under his protection, 
he forgot that it had ever been Grhibelline, had declared 
against the Anjous and against his rights, and that its last 
action had been to hoist the Burgundian colours. 1 Later, 
he came to terms with Florence, and only insisted upon an 
amnesty for Pisa. Relying upon this, the Florentines 
commenced the war. The castles upon the heights of Eva 
and Elsa, originally belonging to Pisa, and not far from 
the coast, were soon taken. Livorno surrendered to them, 
and Charles gave orders to his captain in the castle of Pisa 
to surrender this also. 2 But the captain acted contrary to 
expectations. Whether or not it was compassion, bribe, or, 
as is said, a lady of Pisa, who pleased him but too well, 
he disregarded his sovereign's commands. When the 
Florentines, upon his invitation, rushed through suburbs, 
fortifications, and across the Arno, in order to take the 
city and to receive the castle from him, he fired amongst 
them and hurled them back. He was the first to make the 
people of Pisa perfectly free, by surrendering to them their 
castle. 3 

But what sort of liberty is that, which from the first outset 
hesitates to protect itself ? It was enough for the people 

1 Sismondi, Histoire des Eepublic Ital., viii. 152. 

2 Nardi, Istorie dellacitta,26. Guicciardini, ii. 121. Jovius, Historise 
sui temporis, 56. 3 Comines, viii. 567. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 107 

of Pisa not to be subjected to their old enemies. And be 
who protected them against their foes was also acceptable 
to them as their lord and master. 

When, then, on the occasion of the renewed attacks made 
upon it by Florence, Lodovico and the Venetians took the 
part of Pisa, they may, perhaps, have intended to injure 
the French party ; certain it is that Lodovico reflected, that 
the city formerly belonged to the Yisconti, and that it was 
favourably situated for both Genoa and Milan ; and certain 
it is that the latter considered what an excellent acquisition 
Pisa would be to the Apulian cities which were already 
theirs, and to Tarento, which had just raised the cry of 
" St. Marco," and how it would enable them to plant their 
standards on the Tyrrhenian sea. At first, as though no 
one knew the others' thoughts, they held together ; but 
every day Lodovico became more jealous. He retired. 
His general, on being invited to advance, once answered 
that he must first take his breakfast. But matters did 
not come much further in this way. 1 It was a very bril- 
liant idea of his to help to pass on this war to the G-erman 
King, his nearest relative, who was an enemy of the Popo- 
lares, and no friend of Yenice. 

When, in May, 1496, Trivulzio came across the hills, for- 
tified Asti, and spread the report that close behind him 
were coming the Duke of Orleans, and after him the King, 
with 2,000 hommes d'armes, and 10,000 Gascons and 
Swiss ; this induced the Venetians — for Charles threatened 
to avenge their attack upon Fornovo — to agree to Lodo- 
vico's proposal. 2 

Accordingly, in July, 1496, Lodovico set out with his court 
and journeyed to Valtellino, and thence by way of Bormio 
across the Umbrail to Minister, there to await Maximilian. 
The next morning, before daybreak, the Emperor arrived 
attired in a black hunting costume, at his side the golden 
bugle-horn, and accompanied by 200 huntsmen with the 
long poles, with which they clamber from rock to rock, 
and by many nobles all decorated with the Burgundian 
Cross of St. Andrew. After the meeting was over, he might 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 36. Bembus, Historia Veneta, 66. Bursellis, 
Chronicon Bononiense, 914. 

2 Ebe], Anleitung, die Schweiz zu hereisen, iv. 510. 



108 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

have been seen following the chase on the highest peaks of 
the Umbrail Joch — merely to gaze up at which made the 
spectator dizzy — his feet shod with climbing irons, where 
the cleft rocks ran sheer down into the abyss beneath. 
Meanwhile, the Duchess sat in a small hut, and chamois 
were driven down from the ravines and round the jagged 
rocks, and the sport went on before her eyes. In this way 
they amused themselves. The most important event, how- 
ever, was, that Maximilian entertained the proposals of the 
Italian envoys : " they should pay him 40,000 ducats every 
three months, and he would then come and wage their war 
for them." l But first he must return to G-ermany. 

In his ill-humour he had dropped all the resolutions 
of the Diet. At all events, he ought, by his presence in the 
first assembly, to have inaugurated the new constitution ; 
but when the Day of Purification had arrived, he said that 
in Worms he had been treated as no city treated its 
mayor, and thereupon remained away. A few plenipo- 
tentiaries came, but in a short time everyone went home. 
In the meanwhile, the " Pfennig " had been raised ; abbots 
and ecclesiastics paid it, and the cities also paid it into the 
hand of their parsons. But as the assembly, which should 
determine how the contribution should be expended, had 
broken up, how was it likely that any should show great 
eagerness, especially as all were unaccustomed to these pro- 
ceedings, and annoyed at their property being investigated ? 
Maximilian, accordingly, at Whitsuntide, 1496, wrote : 
" Each one should appear at Lindau with his soldiers all 
ready equipped, and with the money that had been raised 
by tax to pay them." Immediately afterwards, just as if 
nothing had been pre-arranged and pre-determined, he de- 
manded that, " eight days after St. John's Day, the summer 
solstice, the strength of the nation should accompany him 
across the mountains, for King Charles was already on the 
march;" 2 and in August he wrote that he was full of great 
hopes for the success of his Eoman campaign ; the country 

1 Ghilinus, de adventu. Maximiliani in Italiam, ap. Freherum, iii. 82. 
Navagero, Stor. Venet., 1207. 

2 Letter of the Esslinger in Datt, de pace publica, p. 550. Maxi- 
milian's proclamation, ibid. 544, 546. Trithemins, Ckronicon Hirsan- 
giense ad annum 1496. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italt. 109* 

should support him at once with loans and the " pfennig ,7 ' 
tax. 1 

But how was the campaign to be begun, without the fiat 
of the Empire ? That it did not come to this in no way 
disheartened him. The princes of his party afforded him 
some assistance, namely, those princes that at that time 
were living at his Court at Innsbruck. The deputies of 
a few Swiss cities accompanied him. Yet his real army 
was to be provided by Italy. In Linz he took counsel with 
his son Philip. Philip, who now ruled the Netherlands* 
came merrily, sometimes taking part in the " bird-shoot- 
ing" of respectable burghers, and sometimes joining in. 
the patrician dances. At the manor-house at Augsburg,, 
where they made a pile of maypoles and garlands forty-five- 
feet high for the St. John's Day bonfire, the fairest damsel 
with a wax taper in her hand kindled it with him in the- 
dance, whilst the trumpets, cornets, and kettledrums all 
brayed to the fire and the dance. 2 In Linz his father 
disclosed to him his bold plans. He hoped to keep the 
French back from Italy and Livorno ; Florence would then 
league itself with him ; nay more, aid him to cross over 
in Rene's interest from Tuscany into Provence. This 
done, Philip should invade France from the Netherlands, 
and Ferdinand from Eoussillon. In Lyons, they might 
all three meet, and then Burgundy would be won. 3 
With these hopes, in August, he took the 200 horse 
that he had equipped, and induced Albrecht of Saxony 
to follow him with some infantry; and in the hamlet 
of Meda, beyond Yaltellina and Morbegno, between houses, 
and gardens, he met the envoy of the Pope and Lodovico. 
In Yigevano they took counsel together. 4 A few days. 

1 A letter of Maximilian of the 29th August from Carimate (read 
instead of Calmia) in Datt, p. 552 seq. 

2 Pontus Heuterus, Eerum Aust. i. 15, p. 230. Gassers, Augsb.. 
Chronik, 257. Cursius, Ann. Suevici. 3 Zurita, i. 98. 

4 Maximilian proceeded from Augsburg, where he had resided for 
two months, about the middle of June, 1496, to Innsbruck, by way of 
Landsberg. Here he remained from the 27th of June to the 5th of July 
(Reports of the Venetian envoy, Francesco Foscarin, in the Achivio 
storico Italiano, t. vii. p. 734, 749). Thence he journeyed by Imst 
(10th July), Pfunds (13), and Nauders to Mais, where he arrived on 
July 17. On the 20th the meeting with Lodovico took place at Miinster.. 
Maximilian escorted Lodovico on the same day as far as Mais. From 



110 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

later, the Venetian envoys arrived. The first danger, the 
arrival of the French, was past. In France, Louis 
d' Orleans, when his baggage was already on the road and 
he was about to start between evening and morning, 
suddenly changed his mind, and Charles did not wish to 
compel him. It would have been all the easier to have 
attacked Asti, but the Venetians would not give it up to 
the man who had refused them Pisa. An immediate attack 
upon Florence was concerted. In a short time Maximilian 
stood before the towers of Livorno, in order to first wrest 
this city from it — full of schemes for the future. 1 

The Florentines at that time owned sway over 800 walled 
towns, consisting partly of such as were closed in the even- 
ing and opened in the morning — the half at least with a 
market — as well as over 12,000 open hamlets. One hundred 
and thirty towns brought them every St. John's Day a 
taper or a piece of cloth, and owned the city as their pro- 
tectress. 2 Such was the power they exercised over Pistoja 
and Volterra by party influence, by their commerce and 
money over Arezzo, which they had purchased from Courcy 

Mais, which he left on the 26th July, he returned to Imst, where he 
arrived on the 2nd August (not on the 28th July, as Ullmann, Kaiser 
Maximilian, i. p. 447, states ; or in Foscari's report in the Arch. stor. 
Ital., vii. p. 790, " Jeri Giunsi in questo loco dove si trova PArciduca 
Filippo e nel quale S. M. arrivo il di precedente ; " by jeri, seeing that 
the letter was dated 4th August, the 3rd is meant, and accordingly by 
"il di precedente" the 2nd August is denoted — in the " Itinerarium 
Maximilians," by Stalin, Forschungen, i. p. 355, Imst does not occur), 
and had an interview with his son Philip. On the 4th August Maxi- 
milian again left Imst, and proceeded by Landeck, Prutz, Pfunds, and 
Nauders to Mais, which he reached on the 13th. Thence he set out on 
the 15th, and betook himself by Bormio, Tirano, Sondrio, and Carimate, 
to Meda, where he met on the 31st August the envoy and Lodovico. 
On the 1st September Maximilian went back to Vigevano (Vigevene), 
where he arrived on the 2nd, and Lodovico and the papal legate on 
the 3rd of September (Sanuto in Arch, stor., vii. p. 946). (Note to 3rd 
edition.) On the 13th September (Foscari's Eeport in Arch. stor. Ital., 
vii. 865, Sanuto Diarii, i. p. 304 ; cf. Rawdon, Brown, Ragguagli sulla 
vita e sulla opere di Marin Sanuto, pp. 35, 40). 

1 Senarega, Annales Genuenses, 560. Burcardus, Diarium, 2075. 
Ghilinus, 88. Comines, 576. On the 23rd of September Maximilian 
started from Vigevano, and proceeded by way of Tortsea (Foscari, a. a. 
O. p. 886) to Genoa, which he reached on the 27th. Here he embarked 
on the 8th October. 

2 Benedetto Dei, in Varchi, Istorie Florentine, 262. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. Ill 

d'Enguerrand, 1 over Cortona, that had surrendered to King 
Ladislaw and had been bargained by him to them, over 
Pisa, that had on one occasion been betrayed and sold to 
them by Gabriel Visconti, and on another by the head of 
the exiles, then the head of the city — for the city had re- 
sisted and had called back its exiles into it — and, finally, 
over Livorno, which Thomas Eregoso had made over to 
them for 100,000 ducats. 2 

Now we must remember that not all the 10,000 fathers 
of families at that time in Florence belonged to the ruling 
classes, for the most of them were burghers without the 
rights of citizens. The benefit of the city, as it was called, 
was shared in by only 576 houses of the greater, and 
by 220 of the lesser, trades, but never by more than 2,000 
citizens. They had also private property; and the 800 
palaces and the 32,000 estates in the vicinity of the city 
were for the most part in their hands. It was these 
2,000 against whom Maximilian waged war. 3 

In spite of their great affluence and power, they had 
not as yet forsaken their original employment, trade, nor 
abated their innate severity of life. They had 270 woollen 
factories which imported wool from France, Catalonia, 
and the best that England could produce, and exported 
cloth to South Italy, to Constantinople, and by way of 
Brusa to the whole of the East. They had eighty-three 
manufactories for silk, brocade, and damask, for which 
their own ships fetched the silk from the East, and 
which found their chief markets in Lyons, Barcelona, 
Seville, London, and Antwerp. 4 The East sent them 
silk, and the Western world wool ; they manufactured both, 
and exported their silk stuffs to the West and their woollens 
to the East, and thus ministered to the wants of the world. 
Hence it came that their first " Signori " were cloth and 
silk merchants, and the third a banker. 5 Their thirty- 
three banks, for instance, having agencies in all parts, 

1 Sismondi, Histoire des Kepubl. Ital., vi. 407, vii. 287. 

2 Belius, Historia Patriae in Graevius, v. 27, 42, 90. 

3 Varchi, Digressione intorno il governo di Firenze in the Istorie, ii. 
65. Istorie, 208. 

4 Benedetto Dei in Fabroni, Vita Laurentii Medici, ii. 337. 

5 Neumann, Introd. to Aretinus, Staatsverf. von Florenz, 39. 



112 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

did perhaps the best business of all, they founded the 
fortune of the Medici. 1 

The first business of such a Florentine was to go to 
early Mass. This done, in summer clothed in black 
Lucco, frilled round the neck, and a black silken cap 
with a long point, and in winter in black mantle and 
cowl, 2 he walked through the streets to his business in the 
market or in the palace. At midday, after dinner, 
he saw his children and related to them a new or an old 
story. 3 He then arranged his papers, or went to the 
Loggias that the patricians had at their houses. They 
always addressed each other as "thou;" and only a knight, 
a doctor, or an uncle was called " you " and " sir." Almost 
everyone bore the nickname that had been given him by his 
playfellows in his youth. The beautiful language that the 
whole of Italy learnt from them was formed in their 
society. At Ave Maria they were all at home. In winter, 
they stood with wife and child for a while around the fire ; 
and whilst the lower orders, and those that lived by the 
sweat of their brow, made good cheer in the inns, they 
themselves partook of a frugal meal at home at three 
o'clock at night. Many stayed up half the night with 
their silks and before their " Caviglia." i 

Among these rich, influential, educated, and solemn 
people, a Dominican monk of Ferrara, one Hieronymus 
Savonarola, had succeeded in making himself universally 
esteemed. He was, it is true, strict with himself and others, 
a solitary walker, a monk by inclination, and a man who 
also knew how to control his rough voice. He admonished 
his monasterial brethren to give up all their property. He 
spared no one, not one of his fellow-citizens, the Brescians or 
the Florentines, nor his liege lords, the Pope and Lorenzo 
di Medici, and all this could not help securing him a certain 
influence. But what made him really powerful were, before 
all else, his doctrines and his prophetic gifts. 

Now his doctrines are really worth examining : — " Like 
a piece of iron between two magnets, so does the human 

1 Koscoe, Lorenzo's Life, from his Kicordi, 120. Benedetto Dei. 

2 Varchi, Storie, p. 265. 

3 Macchiavelli's comedy, Clitia, act ii. sc. iv. p. 141. 

4 Varchi, 261, 267. 



ch. hi.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 113 

soul waver between divine and earthly things, and between 
belief and feeling. Its purity consists solely in withdraw- 
ing itself from the love of things earthly, and in volun- 
tary flight to God. Sacrament and prayer lead to him ; 
his nature it is that draws it heavenwards to participate 
in its goodness. 1 But the soul has a domestic enemy, an 
adversary in the form of a friend, the flesh, that rebels 
against it, and oppresses it to sin. With its help the 
devil lays snares for it, like the vulture after the heart of 
its prey. Since the world began he has deceived and de- 
voured it a thousand thousand times, yea, a number with- 
out end and count, and is not yet satiated, but still lurks 
and waits like a hungry wolf. The world accordingly is 
divided between two banners, of Christ and the devil, a 
black and a white one. 

" Now the sinner is like a dead man, reft of life. His 
face is dark, he durst not open his eyes. God hates him. 
A man may pour bad wine from his golden vessel and keep 
the vessel; but God breaks both, sin and the vessel of sin. 
And no one begs for mercy of God, as in Florence no one 
dares to entreat for an exile. 2 

"The faithful, on the other hand, when he bows his 
knee, when he follows the commands of Love, when he dis- 
regards all things earthly, and only aims at being merged 
into God, feels God and is illuminated by him. In this 
way, a simple man and a maiden of low estate come 
further than Plato and Pythagoras came. But he who 
is by nature inclined, and who is quite free of earthly 
care, by constant habit, and watchful carefulness attains 
in his old age the greatest bliss, he sees God. Such a 
man communes with angels and saints ; and the devil has 
no power over him, but he over the devil. 3 

" When the wicked man's day is done, where is then his 
pomp ? His journeying and his riding ? His hurrying and 
scurrying, and his golden ornaments ? Down, down, where 

1 Savonarola de simplicitate Christiana, 80, 18, 78. Edition of 1615. 
Triumphus Crucis, i. c. 12. 

2 Seven consoling sermons by Hieronymus Savonarola in Latin. 

3 De Simplicitate, 13, 41, de divisione omnium scientarum, edition of 
1594, p. 793. Dialogus, solatium itineris mei, ed. of 1633, p. 165, 228. 
Expositio orationis dominicfe, edition of 1615, p. 190. 



114 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

his body is food for worms. But the soul is free, begins to 
think of itself and to lament : O woe ! who hath soiled my 
vesture, which by baptism was made whiter than snow, and 
made it now more filthy than pitch ? Satan then comes to it 
and says : ' My playmate, stand up, I have done it. For 
thou hast followed my advice and worked faithfully with 
me. Come, follow me into my kingdom. There is hunger 
without meat, thirst without drink, there is an unquench- 
able, dull, violent, smoking fire, and by the side of it, cold 
without measure and remedy. Come with me. The devils 
are coming to meet thee with their song of lamentation.' l 
" But on the other side, the joy of the elect cannot be 
described in language. It will be splendid and clear, like 
the sheen of the sun, quick like the ray of light that in 
one moment gleams from east to west. Being with G-od 
he will know all things, present, past, and future ; he 
will wish for nothing that he cannot obtain ; there will be 
a life and existence in constant admiration, in sweet delight, 
in ecstatic love, in the ceaseless singing of praises, in bliss 
and triumph, without ending for evermore." 2 
• When Savonarola enunciated this doctrine, with an 
eloquence that often appeared like a jubilant cry and 
shout of triumph, 3 and especially when he corroborated it 
out of the Holy "Writ, the Florentines, as he himself has 
said, stood and gazed at him like marble pillars, with their 
faces turned to his. 4 It was all the more impressive, this 
doctrine, because it distinguished good and evil, like in 
their city G-ibellines and Guelphs, Bianchi and Neri, had 
often been contrasted. Besides, they considered him a 
prophet. He had foretold the advent and the victory 
of Charles, and had prophesied in unmistakable language 
the expulsion of the Medici. 5 The majority believed him 
perfectly. He was master of their minds, and in the 
new order of things in Florence he attained the greatest 
influence. 

It was Piero's nearest relatives and friends that had 

1 Sixth Sermon. Solatium itineris mei, lib. vi. de vita futura, p. 250. 
3 Seventh Sermon. Solatium, 254-263. 

3 Eor instance, Sermo in vigilia nativitatis Christi. 

4 Triumphus Crueis, p. 100. 

5 Fabronius, vita Laurentii Medici, ii, 291. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 115 

summoned his enemy to Tuscany, that had expelled 
hini froni the Signorie, and overthrown him. Not as 
though they were minded to share their government with 
the populace — when would this ever occur to the ruling 
party in any city? — but, because Piero intended to be 
prince, they hated him. They hoped under Lorenzino and 
the junior line of this house to attain to greater influence. 
With this idea, immediately after Piero' s flight, they 
summoned a parliament. They called it a parliament, 
when they collected the people together on the square by 
the sound of a bell, placed armed youths at all the en- 
trances, who thrust back everyone that was displeasing 
to them, and then, finally, allowed the collected throng to 
vote by acclamation. Such a parliament, on this occasion, 
by loud consentient voices, entrusted the conduct of public 
affairs to a Balia of twenty men, — that is, the supreme 
government. 1 

Savonarola, whose theory based the right of government 
purely upon agreement, 2 opposed them, and preached his 
principle that all true citizens ought to participate in the 
sovereign power. He even convinced some of the leading- 
men. Antonio Soderini publicly professed his views ; 
others visited him at night. Owing to this, differences 
and regular dissensions gradually arose, which were 
followed at last by a peaceable and complete dissolution of 
the Balia. 3 

The new order of things was framed in accordance with 
Savonarola's principles. All those who enjoyed the benefit 
of the city, that is all whose fathers and grandfathers had, 
since the political government of the Medici, been adopted 
into the three dignities of Signori, G-onfalonieri, and " good 
men," that is chosen, were declared eligible, and entered 
into the government under the name of the great Con- 
siglio. Such an arrangement is far from being an exposi- 
tion of the rights of man ; for Savonarola conceived of 
social distinctions and grades to have been original and 
given by God : 4 to many it will appear to have been no- 

1 Nerli, Istorie Florentine, 58, 63. Cf. Sismontli, Histoire des Eepub- 
liques Ital. xii. 233. 2 Savonarola, del Governo. 

3 Nardi, Le Storie della citta, 23. Corio, Istor. di Mil. 966. 

4 Savonarola, de simplicitate vita? Christianse, 65, 70, 85, 90. 



116 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

thing more nor less than an enlarged aristocracy. Only- 
inside the Consiglio no privilege should be tolerated. It 
received a thoroughly democratic constitution. Just as 
in Venice there were Doge, Consiglieri, and Pregadi above 
the Great Council, so here also the G-onfalonieri had the 
administration of justice, and the eight Signori and the 
Council of Eighty the essential attributes of government. 
In Venice the greater part of the dignities were conferred for 
life, but, in this case, for two months and not by a regular 
election. Only after certain names in respective quarters 
of the city had been proposed by chance, by lot, did 
voting take place upon them. The elections were rather 
committees and commissions, than official elections in our 
sense of the term. "A city is well governed," says 
Savonarola, "when the magistracy have short notice 
given them of the day when their stewardship shall be 
inquired into. What otherwise is the meaning of free 
election? for everyone will only be obedient to the 
best." l For this assembly a hall was at once built. It 
was the largest in Italy, and yet was finished in a mar- 
vellously short time. It was approached by broad steps. 
The middle was occupied by long and cross benches 
for the burghers, on each side upon a raised dais three 
yards high and broad were seats for the Eighty. At 
the east end, the G-onfalonieri and Signori had their places, 
and here two doors led into the chambers set apart for 
secret deliberation, and for the registry of taxes ; at the 
west end there stood a tribune and an altar, with a picture 
of Fra Bartholomew, at which mass was held. The hall 
had also an ecclesiastical appearance, and Savonarola said : 
"the angels have assisted in the work." 2 

This constitution was in full operation when Maximilian 
was investing Livorno. There was no demand now for 
brocade or cloth ; the Stradiotti laid waste the country 
estates ; there was no importation either by sea or land, 
for Siena also was hostile, but that made little impression 
upon the citizens. They came in such numbers to hear 
Savonarola's sermons, that, in spite of its great size,. 

1 Nerli, 44, 66. Varchi, Digressione intorno il governo, 67 ; Savona- 
rola, del Governo. 

2 Vasari, Vita di Simone Cronaca, iii. 253. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italt. 117 

galleries had to be built at the entrance of the Church of 
Maria del Fiore opposite the pulpit, as in a theatre. The 
fasts were most strictly observed. The games that the 
monk condemned were abandoned ; and, in view of the 
approaching war, they awaited the arrival of the fleet that 
Charles was fitting out in Marseilles. But soon they had 
to learn that this fleet had been wrecked in a storm. 
Weiskunig narrates that Maximilian saw the French fleet 
arriving ; and hereupon, as soon as he had weighed anchor 
and spread his sails, there came first a cloud, and from 
it wind, and then more clouds, and thereout there arose 
such a storm, that the enemy's ships were driven with 
him into the harbour, and part in battle and part in 
storm were wrecked and lost. Where was now their 
hope and the promise of G-od's immediate help that the 
Dominican brother had made them ? Yet they retained 
sufficient courage, even at this critical moment, to receive 
within their walls a host of fugitives, who had been 
beggared by the war. They could not do aught else but 
carry the image of the Virgin through the streets, followed 
by all men and women, clerics and children, with psalm- 
singing, prayers and lamentations. They had just arrived 
with their tabernacle at St. Mary's G-ate, when they per- 
ceived a messenger on a mare careering across the Trinity 
Bridge, and waving an olive-branch from afar. They 
stopped and listened ; some ships fitted out by their 
merchants, which had long struggled with the same storm, 
had at last, owing to the wind having unexpectedly 
shifted, been driven right past Maximilian into the harbour, 
and so to Livorno. The news was true. They seized the 
horse's reins ; everyone wanted to hear it for himself from 
the mouth of the messenger. The historians do not 
record it, but we may imagine how fervently they thanked 
God, the G-od of their prayers, for these tidings. 1 

What saved them, thwarted Maximilian's plans. And 
now the Florentines would not entertain the idea more of 
being separated from Charles VIIL, of whose return 
Savonarola had always reminded them. Livorno was held 
for them by Swiss legions. Moreover, the south-west wind 

1 Nardi, 29-32. Weiskunig, 201, and in other passages. Gliilinus, 
90. 



118 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I.' 

levelled their enemy's tents on land, and scattered his 
ships on the sea. Maximilian, meanwhile, saw the months, 
within which the money was promised him, draw to a 
close ; the Marchesci and Sf orza party were already at vari- 
ance as to which should hold the harbour when they took 
it ; and he heard of letters from Venice itself, written with 
the object of inciting the army against him. Overcome by 
the feeling of the impossibility of being able to achieve 
anything under such circumstances, he said, " No ! against 
the will of God and men, he would not wage this war." 
He turned towards Pisa, arrived at Yico, appeared as if he 
intended to do something, but did nothing, and, though 
invited to the chase, hurried away to Pavia and home 
to Germany. 1 

Since then the Florentines cherished no doubt of Savona- 
rola's prophetic mission. At Christmas, 1496, 1,300 chil- 
dren under eighteen years — for only with their eighteenth 
year were they wont to adopt the " Lucco," and to rank as 
young men — partook of the Sacrament with the priest. 
On the ensuing fasts the children of every quarter went to 
the houses and begged for the " Anathem," that is " things 
damnable." Their distribution into companies, their 
processions, and songs at vespers under conductors were 
familiar. 1 The men gave them cards, dice, and dice-boards, 
the women false hair, paint, and perfumed waters. Many 
produced their Morgante, Boccaccio, and indelicate pictures ; 
some sacrificed their harps, remembering perhaps for what 
purposes they had used them. Bartholomew Baccio took 
the naked figures — for they should not be where young 
maidens congregated — from his workshop and offered them. 
On the market-place was raised a scaffold in the form of a 
pyramid with many steps mounting up to it, and upon this 
all these things were piled. On the day of the Carnival, 

1 Jovius, Historise sni temporis, 83. Navagero, Storia Venez., 1207. 
Zurita, 108, and Coccinius, rie bellis Italicis, 277. Macchiavelli, Lega- 
zione a Pisa. The Trench ships put into the harbour of Livorno on the 
29th Oct. (Foseari in the Arch. Stor. ital. vii. p. 938. Sanuto, Diarii, i. 
p. 373) ; about the middle of November Maximilian raised the siege. On 
the 16th Nov. he was in Vicopisano, on the 2nd Dec. in Pavia, on the 
26th in Mais ; at the commencement of the year 1497 he returned thence 
to Innsbruck. 

2 Varchi, 259, 265. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 119 

the whole people came together, and the Signori were 
seated. Then came the children from the mass all dressed 
in white, with olive-branches round their heads and red 
crosses in their hands, and sang Italian hymns of praise. 
Four advanced to the Signori, received from them burning 
torches and lighted the pyramid, which blazed up amid 
the blare of trumpets. The while alms were collected for 
the indigent poor. 1 

The severe religious tendency of this city forms a 
material link in the struggle between the Liga and the 
French party. By declaring against the Pope, who re- 
garded himself as the head of the Liga, it gave the quarrel 
a new phase. 

In Ferrara, Savonarola's native place, we remark a 
similar condition of things. Frequent fasting was ob- 
served, blasphemy was punished, and swearing was pro- 
hibited. "Massari" were sent through the streets to 
report on everything. There is no doubt what was the 
object of all this. The inhabitants of Ferrara, who had 
but little sympathy with the Liga, because it united both 
their natural enemies, Venice and the Pope — being, as 
they were, of French sympathies, even to wearing French 
dresses and shoes — endeavoured to counteract the Pope's 
influence by still deeper piety. 2 In spite of the great 
perils surrounding them, they made processions every 
third day. In the King of France, Charles TILL, we 
remark a kindred tendency. He asked his doctors whether 
or not the Pope was not bound to hold a Concilium every 
ten years, and whether, in case he neglected to do so, the 
princes were not entitled to hold it ; and further, in case all 
the others neglected this duty, whether the King of France 
alone could not hold it. He made known his intention of 
restoring the order of Benedict to its original form, and 
of permitting no bishop to absent himself from his 
church. 3 Savonarola was the head of all enemies of the 
Liga and the Pope. He condemned the wealth and the 
pomp of the clergy, for thereby the barrier was broken 
which separated Church and world. By this means the 

1 Nardi. Vasari, Yita del Fra Bartolommeo, t. iii. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, 320, 323, 386. 

3 Questions in Gamier, xx. 519. Brantome, 39. Comines, 592. 



120 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

children of the world had entered into God's vineyard. 
But God's Word still endured, and by no means were they 
bound to trust a prelate as much as it. Nay, no one 
should sit on an ecclesiastical chair except so long as his 
works were not prejudicial to the operation of the 
doctrine. Acting in accordance with these principles, he 
invited Charles orally, and the German and the Spanish 
King in writing, to undertake the reformation of the 
Church. But it could not but be that he roused this 
hierarchical antipathy against himself. A man named 
Mariano de G-hinazzano, who had once preached at his 
side in Florence to the admiration of the classical scholars, 
hurried to Rome to the Pope, and there began one of his 
sermons with, " Cut this monster off from the Church, 
holy Father ! " x 

Whilst Pope Alexander at that very time gave dispen- 
sation from oaths, in order that his enemies might die in 
prison, 2 he resolved at the same time to use his ecclesiastical 
weapons against Savonarola and his adherents, as being 
heretics. But before this, he had another battle to fight 
out with the partisans of the Liga in his own land, the 
Orsini. 

The Orsini were no despicable foes. They had defeated 
his son, the Duke of G-andia, to whom he had committed 
the staff of the Church to war against them. He was obliged 
to call Gonzal to his aid. Gonzal had first taken Taranto, 
that had in vain flouted the colours of the Marchesci — for 
the Liga would not allow Venice to take its side 3 — and 
had subjected Sora to Federigo. He now vanquished a 
pirate, who had taken Ostia and threatened to starve out 
Eome, and compelled the Orsini to make peace. Willa- 
marino's ships at that time flew the Neapolitan, Papal, and 
Spanish flags all at once. They were now victorious 
everywhere. Even Cardinal Julian entered into a compact. 4 

1 Meditationes in Psalmos, Lugduni, 1633, p. 128. Von Gewalt und 
Ausehn, B. 7. Letters in Mansi, Nardi. 

2 Zurita, i. 97. 

3 Johannes Juvenis, de fortuna Tarentinorum, vii. 3. Navagero, 
Stor. Ven. 1209. 

4 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 220. Arnold von Harve, Eeise im Conver- 
sationsblatt of 1823, No. 2. Burcavdus, 2080. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 121 

After this, when the Pope had now leisure to turn his 
attention to Savonarola, it happened that a factious rising 
in Florence aided him, and he it. The leading Floren- 
tines could not forget the power they had enjoyed under 
the Medici in former days, and their sons would not sub- 
mit to the rigorous discipline of the monk. Probably 
under the impression that Piero would now have learnt to 
know them better, they allied themselves with his pro- 
fessed adherents, the Bigi (they called themselves the 
Arrabiati), in order to effect his recall. They were not 
successful. Benivieni, whom the Signori in their alarm 
sent to Savonarola, often related how he found the 
brother reading in a book ; he looked up and said : " ye 
of little faith, G-od is with you ! Mark ye, Piero will 
come as far as the gates and will then turn back." Nardi 
adds : " And so it really happened. One of them that 
had been seized by the Medici, having escaped, came before 
daybreak to the gate in order to close it, whereupon Piero 
having found it closed and all quiet, returned." But how 
fierce and violent must this faction in the city have been, 
to bring such an excellent and pious man, as the monk 
was, from his path. 1 To him especially is due the law 
that where anyone is accused of a political crime, he shall 
not be judged by Signori, or a Commission as a court of 
last instance, but shall be allowed to appeal to the Consiglio. 
This law mitigated the Italian usage, that every victor 
should, as of right and under certain legal formulas, be 
able to decide the question of life and death in the case of 
his adversaries. But in August, 1497, when it was 
believed to have been discovered who had taken Piero's 
part, Savonarola allowed his good law to be infringed, 
and the accused were denied the right of appeal. His 
opponents became, in consequence, only more violent and 
mysterious. 2 

The Pope now sided with them. The Tuscan Dominicans, 
whom Savonarola had separated from the Lombards, the 
Pope ordered again to unite, interdicted him from preach- 

1 Nerli, 71. Nardi, 36. Jovius, Vita Leonis, 19. Cf. also Matthise 
Doringii Continuatio Chronici Engethastani in Mencken, Scriptores 
Eerum Saxonicarum, ii. 53. 

2 Macchiaveili, Discorsi, sopra la prima deca di Livio, c. 44. 



122 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

ing, summoned him to Roine, and appointed the Lom- 
bardian Vicar of the Dominican order as his judge. 
But Savonarola continued preaching, took daily more 
brothers into his convents, and refused to recognize his 
judge, saying " he could not come to Rome on account of 
his enemies." It availed him nothing that in Florence 
signatures were collected attesting the fact that his 
doctrine was sound and productive of good fruit. In 
spite of all he was placed under ban. 1 Since then, his 
life depended upon the fact, that his party never allowed 
its enemies to become strong, for, by the then existing 
law, he could be' at once put to death. The Pope only 
required the secular arm. 

In Florence, however, towards the close of the year 
1497, open dissensions burst out. Some of the clergy 
condemned the processions of others, some the Com- 
munion that others celebrated, and some again, as in an 
heretical city, desired not to perform divine service any 
longer. The Franciscans, the old opponents of the Do- 
minicans, joined the party of the Arrabiati and the Pope. 
Sometimes the brother found his pulpit soiled. On one 
occasion some young men lifted a heavy money-box during 
his sermon, let it fall and fled. He was escorted to 
church by armed men, and whilst he was preaching one 
stood by him with a halberd. But sometimes, when some 
of the Arrabiati joined the Signori, and the others were 
timid, he remained in his convent. 2 

Yet he did not lose courage. The moral of his teach- 
ing was that a pious and learned man must not give way 
to a wicked and ignorant Pope. 3 He comforted himself 
in his convent with his successes. " Every day a greater 
number, out of yearning for a more perfect life, forsake 
parents, friends, and goods, and betake themselves where 
each must do or not do as his superior wills ; where no one 
has anything except what he absolutely needs, and 
where he can for a time be deprived by his superior even 
of that. But here everyone becomes daily calmer, and 

1 Alexander Papa priori, etc. Responsio fratris Hieronymi in Bur- 
cardus, and in Gordon, Vie d' Alexandre, Appendix ii. 488. Epistolse 
Petri Martyris xi. 191. 

2 Nardi and Nerli. 3 Von Gewalt und Obrigkeit. G. 3. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italt. 123 

confesses that Christ is his only joy. Only he who prays 
without ceasing attains to a holiness, from, whose rays his 
face beams with rapture." x He found himself in the midst 
of the struggle between " Popolares " and "Arrabiati," 
the Liga and its enemies, the true and the Roman Church, 
between heaven and hell. He openly interpreted those 
two flags, the black and the white, in this sense. He felt 
certain of victory. At Christmas he published his book 
on the " Triumph of the Cross." Therein he represented 
Christ upon a triumphal car, above his head the gleaming 
ball of the Trinity, in his left hand the Cross, in his 
right the Old and the New Testaments ; further below, the 
Virgin Mary ; before the car, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, 
and preachers ; on either side the martyrs and the doctors 
with opened books ; behind him, all the converts ; at a 
further distance the innumerable crowd of enemies, em- 
perors, powerful rulers, philosophers, and heretics, all 
vanquished, their idols destroyed, and their books burnt. 2 
But the longer it lasted, the more furious waxed the 
conflict. At Shrovetide, 1498, his children desired to 
repeat the celebration of the previous year ; but the 
torches were torn out of their hands. At first, the children, 
and then even the men, stoned each other. A significant 
instance of the extent of the feud was afforded by the 
action of the painters, Baccio and Albertinelli. They had 
always worked together, and had had all things in 
common. They now left their workshop. The former 
went into a convent, the other became innkeeper. 3 How 
was it possible that these differences could be settled 
but by force ? When, at last, a Franciscan monk pre- 
sumed to declare that he would prove in the fire that 
certain doctrines of the Dominicans were erroneous, it 
appeared also to the latter that they had found another 
and the true decision — the ordeal. The Franciscans argued 
thus. If Savonarola would allow their monk to perish in 
the fire, he was no saint ; and upon this they built. The 
others, who were half mad, who indulged sometimes in the 

1 Triumphus Crucis, 121, 195, 114. 

2 Triumphus Crucis, p. 11. MacchiaA-elli Lettere, torn. vi. ed. 1783, 

3 Vasari, Vita del Mariotto Albertinelli in the Vite, iii. 



124 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

market places in round dances to the accompaniment of an 
ecclesiastical ballad, and who had chosen for their war cry 
" Viva Cristo," hoped to conquer by the truth of their 
faith. During the sermon, hundreds cried, " Look ! look ! 
I will go for thy doctrine, Lord, into the fire." Accord- 
ingly two piles of oak logs and brushwood, well saturated 
with pitch and oil, were built up side by side, 40 feet in 
length, leaving a very narrow passage between them, and 
•on the 7th of April the Signori, on this occasion only 
Arrabiati, sat awaiting the trial. 1 

The Franciscans came quietly, the Dominicans with 
burning torches, red crosses, and loud hymn, preceded 
by Savonarola. The monks approached the pyre, the 
Dominican seized the host. At this moment the crisis 
arrived. The Franciscans would not permit him to have 
the host, as this was a trial of the whole Christian faith, 
but he would not be prevented. Hereupon ensued a 
quarrel, confusion, a rain of missiles, and a general stam- 
pede. Some rushed into the convent, others resorted to 
arms. It now came to scenes of violence, and the Arra- 
biati were not for allowing the favour of the Simiorie and 
the propitious moment to pass by without taking advan- 
tage of it. They attacked the Popolares in the streets 
:and in their convent ; and, although they did not take the 
convent by storm, they remained masters of the situation. 
Savonarola did not take part in it. At first he exhorted 
his followers from the pulpit, afterwards he prostrated 
himself in the choir of the church and prayed. When all 
was quiet, he went out, and delivered himself up to his 
enemies. 2 

This occurrence undoubtedly made the Liga victorious 
in Italy : the Arrabiati were as devoted to it as the Popo- 
lares were to the French. On the 7th of April the Arra- 
biati asserted their supremacy in Florence ; on the 8th, 
Charles died, and the Liga was victorious even in France. 
Charles was at last busied with the internal affairs of his 

1 Nardi and Nerli, Declaratio fratris Hieronymi, in Burcardus, 6. 
Eccardus 2090. 

2 Nardi and Nerli. Burcardi Diarium 2087, 2094. Excerpta ex 
Monacho Pirnensi, probably a pamphlet, mentioned by Trithemius in 
Mencken ii. 1518. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's expedition to italy. 125 

realm. Of his Great Council he formed an ordinary Court, 
of Judicature, consisting of seventeen members, something- 
similar to the later " Reichshofrath " of the G-ermans ; in 
all Commanderies he had a general book of customs com- 
piled ; he intended to live upon his demesnes, and twice 
every week he sat to hear the complaints of the poor- 
Having made all these arrangements, and equipped with 
better alliances, he was again about to attempt to assert. 
his right to Naples. Savonarola, too, had always referred 
to his return. But on the 8th of that month, whilst on his 
way to a gallery to look at a game of ball, he suddenly fell 
down, and, though a moment before in perfect health, was 
in a few minutes a corpse. 1 

Many are of opinion that this event first determined 
Savonarola's fate. Many accusations had been brought up 
against him ; and as often as the scourge was inflicted, 
he confessed all that was wanted. But as soon as he 
came to himself again, he denied everything, saying that 
" on the rack he would certainly confess to it again.'*" 
Meanwhile his soul searched its own heart. His pride 
was broken ; if he ever had thought himself holy, this feel- 
ing was now passed. It often seemed to him as if Despair, 
with a strong army with lances and swords, with the stan- 
dard of Justice before it, and surrounded by instruments- 
of torture, appeared in the town, called him from afar, and, 
coming nearer, whispered into his ear all his sins ; and then 
again Hope, shining with the light of heaven, would com- 
fort him. He spoke to himself thus : " Thou hast loved 
the Lord many years, and hast wrought out of love to- 
him ; then didst thou exalt thy heart ; then didst thou 
follow thine own thoughts, and live in the vanity of thy 
mind ; then did the Lord take his hand from thee, and thou 
art like a sinner plunged into the depths of the sea." Ho 
had only just arrived at this holy self-enlightenment, when 
he was doomed to die ; his body was consigned to the fire. 2 

1 Garnier from the Lettres patentes, 515, and a letter of Charles there 
cited. Comines, 591. St. Gelais, 120. Bayard, 56. Brantome, 44. 

2 Meditatio in Psalmum ; " In te Domine speravi," i. " Quam morte- 
prseceptus absolvere non potuit," 84, 97. (Note to 2nd Edition.) The 
history of Savonarola has since then commanded the greatest attention 
in all civilized countries, and has been the subject of various treatises- 
The account that I have recorded here as the result of former studies, I 



126 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

With his death the essence of his doctrine and his in- 
fluence in no wise died ont. Simon Cronaca, a good master, 
honoured him whilst he was alive, and spoke of him now 
that he was dead. Even at the expiration of thirty years, 
the accomplishment of his most famous prophecies was ex- 
pected to take place. But at that time, as we have said, 
the Arrabiati attained the first offices. They did not now 
consider the recall of Piero necessary for their safety. 
They were so devoted to the Liga, that all its members, 
except the Venetians, considered it better to restore Pisa 
to them. 1 



3. Extension and Ascendency of the Liga. 

Thus the object of the Liga was attained, and Italy sub- 
jected to its views. But the extension and the ascendency 
of the Liga is fraught with other consequences for the 
whole of Europe, and later times. The alliance of the 
Houses of Hapsburg and Aragon is one result of the 
conditions which obtained during these years. Ferdinand 
knew how to draw the princes of the outer sea into the 
sphere of his alliances, and among them first Don Manuel 
of Portugal. He had protected him whilst he was still 
Duke, and had made military preparations in his favour 
when he inherited the throne after John's death. 2 But 
Don Jorgan, John's natural son, of whom all were afraid, 
was led by Jacob Almeida before the King to kiss hands, 3 
and war was dispensed with. Eerdinand promised his 
daughter Isabella to this Manuel. Isabella, who considered 
a second marriage a bad thing, demanded that Manuel 
should at all events expel from Portugal the Jews and 
all those whom the Inquisition had condemned. She 
would not consent to be his wife until he had pro- 
could not alter by the light of them, although on the occasion of a 
lengthened visit to Florence I have not neglected to make researches. I 
still hope to be able to publish in a later volume the results of my labours 
at that time, that have especial regard to the history of Florence in the 
first epoch of the Medici. 

1 Vasari, Vita di Simone, detto il Cronaca. Zurita i. 143. 

2 Zurita, 78. 

3 Hieronymi Osorii re rebus Manuelis libri, xii., lib. i. 3, a. 



CH. III.] EXTENSION AND ASCENDENCY OF THE LIGA. 127 

mised her tliis. 1 After that day, peace and union sub- 
sisted between Portugal and Spain for a century and a 
half. 

At the same period, in August, 1497, and ever since 
the alliance with Bretagne, Ferdinand negotiated with 
Henry YH. of England. If Spain and France quarrel, 
England must take part in it. In June, 1496, Henry 
joined the Liga ; 2 he received hat and sword from the 
Poj>e, and received the envoys of all the allies. 3 His 
counsellors asserted that this was tantamount to bring- 
ing the war to England ; but this monarch, who never 
cared about taking the field, except it might be against 
a rebel, well knew what he was about, and that he was 
working at the iron wall, with which, as he said, he in- 
tended to gird his realm. 4 But, at present, great dangers 
threatened him from without : in Flanders, from Margaret 
of York, widow of Charles the Bold, who, if she did not 
actually incite his first rebel, Lambert Simmel, who de- 
clared himself to be Edward Warwick, she, at all events, 
aided by 2,000 Germans, whom she found means to send to 
his assistance, raised him to certain importance. 5 It was 
not doubted, that the second rebel, Perkin Osbek, who 
called himself Eichard Plantagenet, was also really her 
creature. 6 His most reliable support the latter found in the 
Scots, where King and nation united in their eagerness to 
cross the Tweed. James IV. allied Perkin with his house, 
brought him across the borders, ravaged the country, and 
was alternately in his palace and on the frontier ; 7 whilst 
the people, whenever a truce was made, broke it on their 
own responsibility. The proposed marriage of Catherine 
of Spain with Arthur, Prince of Wales, could not fail to 
affect both sides, both Flanders and Scotland. Ferdinand 
was thus enabled to render the King of England secure on 
either side. At first, through the Austrian alliance, the 

1 Zurita, f. 124. Osorius i. p. 14. 

2 Burcardus, 2067 (note to 2nd edition). Cf. Brown Calendar of 
State Papers, i. 247. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, p. 41. 

4 Baco, Historia Henrici Septimi, p. 300. 

5 Polydorus Virgilius, Historia Anglica, lib. 26, p. 730. 

6 Baco, p. 194. 

7 Buchananus, Eerum Scoticarum, lib. xiii. 460, 465. 



128 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

treaty of general intercourse between England and Flanders 
was renewed, "rebels were to be extradited, including 
Margaret's territory." l The English merchants came in 
triumph to Antwerp, and Maximilian, though hesita- 
tingly, promised to ignore the so-called York. 2 In 
Scotland, Peter Ayala was plying his negotiations with 
sly circumspection, in order to draw the King into the 
great political league. He understood how to persuade 
Perkin — and this appears to have escaped the notice of 
the English historians 3 — that the Kings of England and 
Scotland were already agreed, and that there was there- 
fore nothing left to him but to flee ; and when Perkin, on 
the ship of a Spaniard of St. Sebastian, had joined the 
rebels of Cornwallis, he persuaded King James not to 
undertake the invasion of England just at that moment, 4 
upon which Perkin fell into Henry's power. King James 
then married Margaret, daughter of Henry VII., 5 whence 
resulted a long peace between the Scots and the English, and 
finally the union of both kingdoms. The close relation- 
ship in which James stood to John of Denmark, who 
possessed Norway and claimed Sweden, cemented the 
peace which Danes and English had, after a long war, 
recently concluded. 

The chief members of this League were Ferdinand, Henry, 
and Maximilian, the old allies of Bretagne, yet now united, 
not merely by their advantage, but by the blood of their 
children. 

All that now remained was that, if not Henry, at all 
events Ferdinand and Maximilian should, as they had 
agreed, invade France. But this scheme was confronted 
by the consideration that hereby Ferdinand had some- 

1 Baco, p. 268. Treaty in Rymer. Wagenaar, Allgem. Gesch. ii. 269. 

2 Zurita, pp. 88, 99. 

3 Hume and Rapin, besides Baco and Polydorus Virgilius, the source 
of all. 

4 Zurita, p. 134. 

5 Buchanan 488 (note to new edition). From the information given 
by Bergenroth, " Calendar of State Papers," i. p. 97, it is plain that the 
chief impetus to this alliance was given by the Catholic kings, who only 
regretted that they had not two daughters to dispose of, so as to be able 
to marry one to the King of England and the other to the King of the 
Scots, and therefore counselled that a marriage should be arranged 
between the latter and the daughter of the former. 



CH. III.] EXTENSION AND ASCENDENCY OF THE LIGA. 129 

thing to lose, whilst Maximilian would gain. Between 
Aragon and France there lay certain frontiers, where 
ravaging was so regular, that whenever anyone went on 
a pilgrimage, or took to him a wife, he had to submit to 
a good rifling at the hands of both parties. Thus in this 
war also, Enrique Enriquez crossed the frontier, and 
pillaged for three days and three nights on the other 
side ; thereupon well-armed G-ascons, Swiss and French, 
appeared, and the French succeeded in surprising the 
Castle of Saulses ; and hereupon, out of apprehension for 
Eoussillon, Ferdinand concluded a truce. 1 Maximilian was 
discontented with these doings. Not only the death of 
Charles, but a new phase of German politics, aroused him 
to fresh hopes. 

After his return from Italy, his prestige in the Empire 
was at first at a low ebb. The Elector of the Palatinate was 
on good terms with Charles, sent knights into his pay, 
entreated a good reception for his merchants, and delegates 
of both sides held meetings. 2 

The setting aside of the Decrees of Worms made the 
Elector of Mayence extremely discontented. He openly 
complained of Maximilian : " From above to below there 
was little trace of earnestness ; contrary to their resolutions 
Milan and Savoy had been regranted ; he was ill pleased 
to find that ordinances were made and sealed, and yet not 
adhered to ; in this way the Empire could not possibly 
maintain its position." 3 Maximilian also perceived that 
he could not undertake anything, until he had gained over 
both Electors and the Chancellor of Mayence, Doctor 
Stiirzler. He never put in an appearance at any meeting 
of the Diet. However, in consequence of the death of the 
elder Eberhard of Wurtemberg, he effected a change. For 
the former, whilst appointing for his cousin and heir a 
council of twelve men, four from each estate, without 
whom he could do nothing, but who without him could 

1 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Frederici Palatini, ii. No. 45. 
Comines, 581. Zurita, 79, 114. 

2 Epistolse Gallise Regis Caroli et Philippi Archipalatini, in Ludewig ; 
Reliquiae Manuscriptorum, vi. 96. 

3 Miiller, Reichstagstheatrum, ii. 144. Alsojn Hegewisch. Leben 
Maximilians, i. 144, and in Menzel. 

K 



130 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

discharge the daily business of the State, and perform 
even the most important functions, if he did not accept 
their invitation to appear, 1 had entrusted to this G-overn- 
ment his principles, and his devotion to the Emperor. 
But was it likely that the younger Eberhard would follow 
his cousin after his death, seeing that he never cared to 
follow him in his lifetime ? Immediately after his arrival, 
he dismissed the old Councillors, took a prisoner, a Doctor 
Holzinger, out of gaol, and made him Chancellor. There- 
upon Hug von Werdenberg refused to be Chamberlain 
longer ; the twelve complained that Eberhard intended to 
surrender the estates to the Count Palatine ; but the 
estates were not minded to agree to that. They took 
his servant prisoner, and seized his cities. He escaped 
with silver and jewels to Ulm. The Estates, the new 
Chamberlain, the Councillors, the Chancery, the officials 
and the courtiers turned against him, and renounced their 
allegiance. 2 Maximilian, alarmed for the estrangement 
of the country, hurried thither, and heard both sides. 
But for what purpose ? It seems that he had previously 
decided upon his verdict, " that both land and Councillors 
had acted aright ; the young Ulrich should be Duke under 
the guardianship of the twelve, and later should receive 
Sabina, the King's niece, to wife; but that the country 
should not, as was formerly determined, pass to the 
Empire, but fall to Austria." 3 

Eberhard renounced his duchy, repented of his action, 
fled to the Count Palatine, assigned to him his silver 
plate and all right and title to his land, repented of that 
also, and was imprisoned in Lindenfels until his death. 
But Wurtemberg was devoted to the King. 4 

In the new prestige that the treaty with Wurtemberg 
had gained for him, Maximilian appeared in June, 1498, 5 in 
the Reichstag at Freiburg, which had eight months pre- 
viously commenced. On this occasion he received from the 

1 Esslinger, treaty of Eisenbach ; Geschichte Ulrichs von Wurtem- 
berg. 

2 Ufkiindigung der Pflicht, in Sattler, i., Suppl. No. 12. Document 
A., p. 157. Naucleri Chronograpbia, at end. 

3 Sattler's Gescbichten, p. 32. Mandat Liinig, ii. 722. 

4 Sattler, 33. Eisenbach. 

5 Neidhart's letter to the Keichstag, in Datt, p. 594. 



CH. III.] EXTENSION AND ASCENDENCY OP THE LIGA. 131 

estates 70,000 guilders, without reckoning what had been 
received by the " pfennig " tax in his hereditary lands. 1 It 
appeared now possible for him to acquire Burgundy, if not 
Bretagne. With this hope he let his army advance to 
the frontiers of Burgundy. The bold lansquenets boasted 
that if the victory was this time theirs, France and Swit- 
zerland also would be in their power. 2 

1 Datt, p. 904. 

2 Hugi, Vogt zu Domeck, in Glutzblotzheim. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF SFORZA AND ARAGON. 

I. Louis XII. and Venice against Milan. 

THE situation was now as follows. The attacks of the 
French upon Naples and Milan had leagued the King 
of Spain and the Pope with Ferrantino, and Venice and 
Maximilian with Lodovico. Ferrantino had mainly been 
saved by Ferdinand, whilst Lodovico owed his safety prin- 
cipally to Venice. In the midst of the dissensions that 
Charles's advent had produced in Mid-Italy, a Spanish 
general from the one side and Maximilian himself from 
the other had taken the field against the French party. 
This party had been completely defeated. Round and 
about France itself there had become formed, in the in- 
terest of the League, an alliance of all potentates. 

Relying upon this, Maximilian, in the summer of 1498, 
undertook a three-fold attack upon France. He sent one 
corps against Langres, 1 a second against Chalons, 2 and a 
third, under the command of his Marshal of the free 
county, G-uillaunie de Vergy, against Dijon and Burgundy. 3 
Three thousand Swiss were in his pay. He expected the 
help of the Liga, and considered himself assured of success. 
But the first corps was weakened and lamed in its move- 
ments by the heat, which suffocated the horsemen in 
armour, and also by a want of provisions, which was in- 
creased by the soldiers, who, impatient to see fire, pre- 
ferred to burn down the rich villages to plundering them. 
The second was driven back by the rains. The third saw the 
enemy approach and retire, but concluded a treaty. 4 This 

1 Life of Gotz von Berlichingen, p. 7. 

2 Zurita, f. 152. 

3 Fugger's MS. in Kurzbeck's notes to Weiskunig. 

4 Weiskunig, 260. 



CH. IV.] LOUIS XII. AND VENICE AGAINST MILAN. 133 

campaign was crowned with so little success, that it has 
been overlooked by all later historians. 

These failures were due to the fact that the Liga at this 
precise moment had ceased to exist. Ferrantino was now 
dead, and his successor was hated by the King of Spain. 
Yenice was in feud and almost in open war with Lodovico 
on account of Pisa. But the new King of France suc- 
ceeded in gaining for himself those who had defended 
Milan, as also him who had defended Naples. He drew 
the Pope to his side, and repulsed the attacks of Maxi- 
milian. He made matters look at the moment as though 
there never had been a Liga. It is our acquaintance, the 
Duke of Orleans, now King Louis XII. 

He was standing, the story goes, at his window, with- 
out knowing that Charles was dead or even ill, when the 
royal bodyguard drew up before him, and shouted " Vivats " 
to their new Lord and King. 1 On this he spoke, as well 
as he knew how, in terms of laudation of Charles VIII., 
sprinkled his body with holy water, 2 and received the fealty 
of the Grandees. 

Louis was a perfectly developed man, more in the apogee 
than in the perigee of life, and already a little afflicted 
with the gout. 3 That wildness of his early youth, when 
his chamberlains dared not chastise him unless disguised 
— for fear he should revenge himself — that impetuous- 
ness of later days, disclosed at revelries, tournaments, and 
in domestic wars, were passed and gone. 4 Still he was 
more vigorous than any other prince, and chivalrous to boot. 
The first thing he conceived he ought to guard was his 
honour. Whoever attacked him, or accused him of the 
smallest breach of faith, would be contradicted with the 
sword. After that, his lands and his rights were nearest to 
his heart. " I will endure everything," said he, " save where 
my honour and my lands are concerned." ° He had not such 
bold plans as had Charles, and had not Maximilian's love 
of conquest. Only his rights he was resolved to assert, 

1 Corio, Storia di Milano, 967. 

2 Extrait d'une histoire in Godefroy, 198. 

3 Maximilian to Esslingen, in Datt, 564. 

4 Extrait de l'histoire de Louis, 337. 

5 Zurita. Maechiavelli, Legazione, v. 355. 



134 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

and therefore did not select a " Plus Ultra/' but a por- 
cupine for a symbol. It was he who was the author of 
that grand saying, " The King does not avenge what has 
been done to the Duke." He preferred to sell his de- 
mesnes for the purpose of carrying on his wars, to ex- 
hausting his poor subjects with taxes. 1 The same feeling 
made him forbearing and kind towards others. But in- 
creasing years made him more saving every day. His 
first action was to defray the expense of his predecessor's 
interment at Blois out of the savings of his own private 
exchequer. 2 

The internal government he committed from the first 
into the hands of the Archbishop of Rouen, George 
d'Amboise. When at the Court of Louis XI., George had 
taken the side of the present King, even in opposition to 
his own brother. For his sake he had suffered imprison- 
ment, for endeavouring to advantage him at the expense 
of Charles VIII. They were only three years apart in 
respect of age, and devoted one to the other with perfect 
confidence ; and, especially since Dunois' decease, George 
was entirely in the confidence of his master. 3 

The first duty of the King and his Archbishop was to 
provide that the internal peace was perfectly assured. 
Charles's sister, Anna of Bourbon, demanded, at all events, 
a compensation for the increment her grandfather, her 
father, and brother, had acquired for the Crown. She was 
content when her daughter Susanna was guaranteed an 
almost relinquished right of succession in all the possessions 
of her house. 4 The Prince of Orange regained his sove- 
reignty. As many of them as had been afraid of Louis, 
because they had offended him whilst Duke, — perhaps 
in his feud with the Queen Eegent, — were comforted, 
when he showed a mark of favour to the brave Tre- 
mouille, who had formerly taken him prisoner, and 
marked the names of the others with the red cross of 
pardon. 5 Only he would not brook any limitation of the 

1 Monstrelet, 249. 

2 Histoire de Charles in Godefroy, 169. 

3 Le Gendre : Vie d'Amboise, 12, 27, 39. 

4 Zurita. Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. xxi. 

5 Vie et gestes de la Tremouille, 158. 



CH. IV.] LOUIS XII. AND VENICE AGAINST MILAN. 135 

rights of the Crown. A new tribunal decided against Rene' s 
claims to Provence. The weightiest question that he 
had to determine concerned Bretagne, which by Charles's 
marriage with Anna had become attached to the Crown, 
but which, owing to his death, had now become separated 
from it again. Louis XII. did not scruple to divorce his 
wife Johanna, 1 in order to re-marry with his predecessor's 
heiress, Anna. Johanna was certainly not beautiful, 
neither had she borne him children. She now betook her- 
self to Bourges, where she entered with some sisters into 
the order of the Annunciation, was most charitable to the 
poor, and was reverenced as a saint 2 by the people, who 
always remained attached to her. 

Anna made it a condition that Bretagne should neither 
pay taxes, nor have officials appointed in it, nor be called 
upon to make war, without her special permission. Louis 
blended on his coins the arms of Bretagne and France. 3 

Upon other coins, as soon as he had entered Paris, he 
styled himself King of Naples and Milan. 4 He was certain 
of his rights to these countries, he had fought for both ; 
and he now wished to enforce them. It was a great ad- 
vantage to him that the Liga collapsed, nay, that one-half 
even took his side. After Enrique Enriquez had been 
killed in a revolution at Perpignan, and Eoussillon was 
threatened by the French, and was not minded to defend 
itself, Ferdinand concluded a treaty with Louis, securing 
his own interests and the possessions of the House of Bur- 
gundy ; yet it did not include Federigo. 5 The Pope hoped 
to obtain from Louis so many advantages for his house, 
that he was quite ready to pronounce the divorce from 
Johanna. The Venetians sent him sixty falcons from 
Candia and two hundred valuable furs, as a coronation 
present. 6 

The successive enterprises of Louis with the Venetians, 
with the Pope, and with Ferdinand, are distinguished 
more by unity of event than by unity of action. Never 

1 Decret in Nicole Gilles, Chroniques de France, 118. 

2 Hottingeri Historia Ecclesiastica. 

3 Coins in Daniel, Hist, de France, iv. 596. 

4 Coin in Daniel, 597. 

5 Zurita, 140. 

6 Fetrus Justinianus, Historiae Venetse, 359. 



136 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

more than one of his allies was engaged at a time ; they 
appear as so many distinct and different enterprises. 

The first was the expedition against Milan. It was 
supported by the feud between Venice and Lodovico. 

After Savonarola's death, when the Florentines again 
attacked Pisa, Lodovico took the side of the assailants, 
for it belonged to them ; Venice sided with the attacked, 
for a man ought to keep his word of honour. Hereupon, 
the Venetians won over Pitigliano, and Lodovico the 
Marchese of Mantua. The former threatened a French 
alliance, the latter replied that such would be to their 
own damage. In the Council of the Pregadi conflicting 
opinions were expressed ; some old fathers could not con- 
ceal their apprehensions ; others were for combating Lodo- 
vico unaided. Others again, those who detested him to 
the bottom of their hearts : — for if ever they had a 
secret plan would he not at once adopt public measures 
to thwart it, and a neighbour, served by their traitors, 
was the most intolerable of all: — this third party pro- 
posed an alliance with France. 1 How could Lodovico 
believe that they, who had waged a great war against a 
man, because they would not have him for a neighbour 
when Duke, would call him in, after he had become King ? 
He never apprehended this. He continued his hostile 
operations against Pisa, without paying any attention to 
the Venetians, who supplied it with both money and 
men. 

In this quarrel he really retained the upper hand. 
Paolo Vitelli was entrusted by him with the command 
of the Florentines, and, with his assistance, he succeeded, 
between June and October, 1498, in taking castle after 
castle round about Pisa, as well as Vico and Librafatta, 
and in reducing the city ^o extremities. Against him 
the Venetians tried first of all their own resources. They 
knew that they were deceived by the lords in the Eo- 
magna, and yet they enlisted them. Thus they were 
enabled to place a large body of cavalry in the field, 
though not without the heaviest expense; 16,600 horse 
in all. They then, now by Bologna and now by Perugia 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 53-57. 



CH. IV.] LOUIS XII. AND VENICE AGAINST MILAN. 137 

and now again by Siena, attempted to threaten Florence 
itself which lay on the other side of the Apennines. On 
one occasion Alvian succeeded in crossing over, and stood 
against Paolo Vitelli. 1 But though their men hurried by 
day and night to his succour through the Ferrarian land, 
no less did the Sanseverins, Lodovico's cavalry, spur their 
horses, and ride day and night to come to Vitelli' s aid at 
Forli, Imola, and Faenza. At last great detachments, as 
many as 300 men at once, deserted from the Yenetian 
camp, which was shut up in the hills, " for they had neither 
straw, nor money, nor bread." Others dashed after them 
to take from them the recruiting-money, until the whole 
army became disbanded ; so that this undertaking resulted 
in failure for Venice . ~ In their indignation at this ill-fortune, 
" for which Lodovico was alone to blame," they resolved 
on a campaign against him himself. They left Ercole of 
Ferrare, who was not even their particular friend, to settle 
the Pisa affair. Meanwhile, they made a proposal to King 
Louis : they offered to assist him with 6,000 horse in an ex- 
pedition against Milan, on condition that he would guarantee 
them a portion of the territory of Cremona and G-hiara 
d'Adda. The King no sooner saw the conditions than he 
acceded. On the 10th of February the agreement was 
arrived at. He that had attacked Lodovico, and the city 
that had mainly defended him, were now both leagued to- 
gether against him. 3 Lodovico was not dismayed. He con- 
sidered himself the most sagacious man in Italy. On one 
occasion, when the papal master of the ceremonies wished 
to explain to him how to address a cardinal, he answered, 
" Have you ever seen a Duke of Milan who has done what 
I have done ? I shall know also how to act on this occa- 
sion." 4 In Milan there might often be seen a painting 
of a rose branch, with the motto, "With time," or a 
painter's brush, with the motto, "With merit and time."' 
The mulberry tree, " that only shoots forth its leaves when 

1 Nardi, Istorie Fiorent. Nardi, Vita di Tebalducci, 57, 63. Bembus, 
Histor. Venet. 87. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, 355, 357. 

3 Uhronicon Venetum, 67-72. Bembus, 93. 

4 Burcardi Diarium, viii. 63. 

5 Leunclavius, Pandectae Historise Turcicae, 193. 



138 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

spring is at hand, and then quicker than all other trees," 
he may perhaps have regarded as the emblem of his clever- 
ness. 1 He said, "In one hand he had peace, and in the 
other war ; but even in war a quill pen could do more than 
the sword." 2 

Time was the only thing his shrewdness took into calcula- 
tion, in other respects it employed the boldest schemes and 
the most dangerous means. Alfonso of Calabria assisted 
him against Venice, and Venice against Alfonso. His 
country was on one occasion defended for him by the Duke 
of Orleans, notwithstanding he desired it for himself, 
and on another by Maximilian, to whom it belonged of 
right. His cavalry had emblazoned on their standard a 
Moor with his right hand holding back an eagle's wing, 
and with the left strangling a dragon. Lodovico was a 
gambler, who staked the whole of his existence upon a 
throw of the dice ; for he knew the dice belonged to him. 
He only accepted advice from the stars. He never con- 
cluded a truce, even for three days, without consulting his 
astrologer. 3 

I cannot say what his astrologer may have told him on 
this occasion ; but, as things were, he needed not to be 
much alarmed. His brother Ascanio — a man ever full of 
schemes and secrets, and untiring 4 — was with him, and 
kept the G-ibellines, as he did the G-uelphs, on his side ; 
under these circumstances, he was justified in feeling 
assured of his country. Should he then fear an attack 
on the part of Venice ? In the Turks he could arouse an 
enemy to that city, who would keep it sufficiently em- 
ployed. Or should the lances of the French strike terror 
into his breast? He had other and stronger fortresses 
to throw in their way. More dangerous it would be if 
Louis enlisted Swiss; for no Italian infantry could cope 
with these. But Lodovico also was firmly allied with 
Schwyz and Unterwalden, and with Berne and Lucerne ; 5 
and in case these could not prevent an enlistment being 

1 Jovius, Elogia Virorum bellica virtute illustrium, 196. 
: Chronicon Venetum, 53. 

3 Benedicti Diarium, 1611, 1623. 

4 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 22. 

5 Tschudi MS. in Fuchs, Mailandische Feldziige, i. 234. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 139 

made by the French, they could, at all events, easily pro- 
vide him with an equal number of their men, whom he 
could lead against the King. In this way he was on an 
equal footing with his enemies. Through his alliance with 
Maximilian, and through the lansquenets who, in conse- 
quence, were at his disposal, he was even superior to them. 
Besides, it did not so much depend upon the collective 
strength of the States, as upon how much money each could 
employ. Lodovico was thus of good heart. Three years 
previously he had had coins struck, one of which had 
a device of a snake, his emblem, guarding a lily, and an- 
other that of a snake bending down the cup of a lily, a 
sign of his power over France : 1 at this time he had 
a picture in his hall of an Italy full of cocks, hens, and 
chickens — intended to represent Gauls and French — and 
in the midst of them a Moor sweeping them out with a 
broom. 2 



2. Swiss and Suabians implicated in the War. 

Maximilian was as much interested in this struggle as 
Lodovico. 

Yalentina, Louis' grandmother, had a hundred years pre- 
viously helped to kindle the deadly enmity between Bur- 
gundy and Orleans. An Orleans was now reigning in France, 
and possessed even Burgundy ; and the head of the House 
of Burgundy was King of the Germans* and demanded 
Burgundy back. The Sforza, whom the former attacked 
for his grandmother's sake, the latter was bound to 
defend for the sake of his wife. The Duke of Guelder s, 
who was related to Louis, Maximilian plotted to destroy 
for being a rebel to him ; so that they were enemies on 
three accounts. 

Although Maximilian's son, Philip, had been obliged to 
promise never to attempt to take Burgundy by force of 
arms, and moreover to serve King Louis against every 

1 In Kosmini, Trivulzio, i. 255 (engraving of). 

2 Nardi, Istorie, viii. 63. 



140 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

soul without any exception, 1 yet he was never inclined 
for peace : " peace was like corn that had been harvested 
while yet unripe ; by peace he would never conquer his 
land." In vain Bene and Frederick the Wise endea- 
voured to mediate. 2 Forthwith in the country of the 
Duke of Guelders, who had received French aid, the war 
was continued which had been already waged at Livorno, 
and on the Saone. 

It is evident how closely Lodovico and Maximilian were 
allied. Lodovico desired no treaty with France, if the 
German King had none, for he cared not to sever himself 
from him. 3 Maximilian repeated: "the Duke would be 
able to defend hiniself without foreign aid; but, in case 
he could not do so, he would in person come to his assis- 
tance with the whole strength of the Holy Empire, and 
protect Milan as well as the Tyrol." 4 

As, owing to this alliance, the balance of power was in 
Lodovico' s favour, it was important for the French King 
to try to occupy the German King in another way. He 
could cause him trouble in Germany, and there are letters 
extant, wherein he reminds the Count Palatine of the 
century-long alliance of their dynasties, and promises 
one of his sons a pension at his Court, and to another 
high ecclesiastical dignities. 5 But how, if he found ways 
and means of attaching the Swiss to himself, so as to be 
enabled to avail hiniself of their infantry ; to ally them so 
closely with himself that Lodovico would receive no assis- 
tance from them, and at the same time to involve them in 
war with Maximilian, so that he would have to fear for 
himself, and would not dare to come to the assistance of 
another r 

Without any action on his part, the desired opportunity 
arose. The incident that in the year 1498, George Gos- 
senbrod von Augsburg, Royal Councillor of Tyrol, journeyed 
with his wife to the watering-place of Pfaffers, 6 and there 

1 Jean Amis, Proces Verbal, in Gamier, xxi. 108. 

2 Zurita, f. 121. Spalatin, Life of Frederic the Wise, 78. 

3 Lodovico to Brascha in Rosmini, ii. 256. 

4 Somentius to Lodovico in Rosmini, 258. 

5 Instruction of Mathieu Pelleyt in Ludewig, Reliquiae, vi. 117. 

6 Stettler, Chronik des Uechtlandes. p. 329. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 141 

met an enemy, Count Jorg von Sargans, 1 and that the latter 
tried to take him prisoner, was ordained to determine the 
course of public affairs, and bring this great struggle to a. 
head. 

Count Jorg had once schemed to bring the Tyrol to 
the crown of Bavaria, and on that account had been out- 
lawed by the King. 2 Unconcerned thereat, he lived with 
only one cook in the castle of Ortenstein by selling his 
estates, and slept in the tower, where his bed may still be 
seen ; for he was on terms of friendship with the monks 
of Chur, and made common cause with them. The Abbot 
in Pfaffers, to whom Gossenbrod thanked his preservation 
and who was also a friend of Maximilian — the latter con- 
fided to him his schemes and successes — was forced by 
Jorg to leave his monastery. Now between Chur and the 
Tyrol there had existed, since time out of mind, differences, 
which had lately been revived. These differences affected 
the Engadin as far as Pontalt, where their frontiers touched 
the jurisdiction of the Minster in the Miinsterthal, to 
which both laid claim, as also the hereditary office of cup- 
bearer, which Maximilian declined to receive, as former 
Counts had done, as a fief from Chur. 3 G-ossenbrod availed 
himself of this feud to take revenge. He mocked the 
monks of Chur and encouraged the Tyrolese, until the 
latter, who had been posted by him in strong detachments 
on the border, 4 invaded and took the Miinsterthal; the 
others at once sallied out and recovered it. Upon this, both 
appealed to their allies ; the monks summoned to their 
aid the " Upper League " and the ten tribunals, with which 
they formed the " Grey League," and the people of Uri, with 
six other Swiss towns, with whom they had allied themselves 
since 1497, and " until the end of all things " ; 5 and these all 
called in all the others who were members of the federation. 
The Tyrol called to its assistance the princes, lords, and 
cities of the Suabian Confederation. 6 In a trice the whole 
frontier bristled with arms ; on the one side the Swiss, and 

1 Midler's Schweizer Geschichte, v. p. 322. 

2 Miiller, p. 190. 3 Miinster, Cosmographie, p. 763. 

4 Pirkheimer, de bello Helvetico, p. 13. 

5 Simleri Respublica Helvetiorura, p. 36. 

6 Gasser, Augsburger Ckronik, p. 258. 



142 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

on the other the lansquenets ; each waited to see what the 
other would do. 

This was not a plot of the King of France, yet the event 
relieved him of perplexity. It was, as yet, doubtful 
whether there would be war or not, for Maximilian could 
not be anxious for it, and, moreover, on the 5th February, 
1499, the decree 1 of Lucerne declared that terms had 
been arrived at, and that it was doubtful whether the 
places that favoured Milan would join the others. It 
came to pass quite spontaneously. In German countries 
it frequently happens that between neighbouring hides 
and marks, but most especially on the border, there arises 
an enmity engendered of boasting, scoffing, and claims ; a 
hatred such as exists between two brothers who have 
quarrelled, and which is the more intense in proportion 
as its cause is less recent. The least occasion arouses 
it. So here, when the Swiss, thinking peace was assured, 
retired from their frontier and passed through G-utenberg, 
the G-erman lansquenets crept on all fours over the 
walls and lowed at one another like cows. Where the 
Bhine separated the two peoples, the G-ermans dressed up 
a cow, danced with it and cried that they had the bride, 
and the others should send them the bridegroom. In 
Bendre they christened a calf "Amman Eeding;" 2 and 
amused themselves at Constance, Dieffenhofen, and else- 
where with variations of the same joke. Enraged thereat, 
some Zurichers and Zugers crossed the Rhine on the 6th 
of February, routed the enemy, and ran across hedge and 
ditch away to the Lake of Constance, where they again 
defeated the lansquenets, whose leaders had become de- 
sponding and wished to return, with such onslaught, that 
they drove some of them into the ditches, where they 
were drowned, others into the morasses, where they died 
of cold, others fled before them to Ulm and Augsburg, 
where they told their tale of terror. 3 

This event made war a certainty and united the Swiss. 
Schwyz and Unterwalden-in-the-forest, Lucerne and Berne 
had already joined the Liga; and Grlarus wanted to 

1 Abschied in Glutzblotzheim, p. 77. 

2 Stettler, 331. Edlibach and Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim. 

3 Firkheimer, de bello Helvetico, p. 14. Tschudi. 



: 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 143 

be the fifth canton to do so. 1 They had joined it in 
Maximilian's interest, who, owing to this, had Swiss envoys 
with him on his Livorno expedition, and Swiss soldiers 
in his expedition against Bnrgnndy. The same cantons 
were allies of Lodovico. Bnt now this League, if not 
expressly opposed to Lodovico, was certainly in arms 
against Maximilian, by whose counsellors the feud had 
been caused, and whose lansquenets had made it burst 
forth. The confederation held better together than did 
the Liga ; all the cantons united for war. Louis saw it, 
and being himself on good terms with Venice and the Pope, 
and as in the interior of Germany, the Houses of the 
Palatinate and Bavaria-Landshut, both opposed to the 
Austrians, were most closely allied, he offered the Swiss 
his alliance. 2 Although Lodovico let it be known that he 
" had never supported the Suabians, and he desired to be 
mediator between them and the Swiss," 3 for he too saw 
the danger, and although there were many among the 
Swiss who were opposed to a war with Austria, yet the 
contrary opinion was the prevailing one : " for what had 
the House of Austria ever done for them, save abuse in 
words and war in deed ; but that was the way to bring 
its plans to nought." On the 21st March, 1499, they all 
concluded a treaty in these terms : 4 " The King promises 
to assist them in their wars with men and money, and to 
give in peace, besides, to every canton 2,000 Rhenish 
guilders annually, in return for which they concede to him 
free enlistment, and to no one else in opposition to him ; " a 
and appended their ten seals to the document. They then 
emblazoned the Crucifixion on their standards and guarded 
their frontiers. 6 

High among the mountains, where spring the sources of 
the Inn and the Etsch, along the Rhine valley lying be- 
tween the Senniwald of Appenzell and the red wall of the 
Vorarlberg, on both shores of the Lake of Constance, down 

1 Stettler, 325-328. 2 Tschudi in Fuchs, p. 239. 

3 From Lodovico's letter, p. 240. 

4 Stettler, 337. Glbl., p. 93. 

5 Anshelm Berner Chronik, ii. p. 360 (note to new edition). 

6 Unrest, Oesterreichische Chronik in Hahn, collectio monumentorum, 
torn. i. p. 803. 



144 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I, 

to where the Rhine has finished his course and leaps down- 
wards to the plain, they stood ; " Grey Leaguers " against 
Tyrolese, Appenzeller, and St. G-allers against the King's 
lansquenets and countrymen, the nine cantons in Thurgau 
against Constance, and the cities of the Suabian League, 
with Zurich and Solothurn, against the nobles of Sundgau 
and Hegau. Between them flowed the Ehine and adorned 
both its banks with the gorgeous mantle of spring. But 
among them many a Suabian might have been heard to 
boast, how he would fire and burn in the enemy's country, 
that St. Peter would not for the very smoke be able to find 
the gate of heaven; and, should he die, his comrades 
were conjured to crush his bones to make powder where- 
with to exterminate the foe. 1 The Swiss, on their side, 
swore by the saints that they would take no prisoners, 
but slay all their enemies, as their fathers had done before 
them. 2 The former only wished to vent their hatred, the 
latter to protect their freedom that was threatened ; and 
thus they waged their war. 

At the same time, the confederates on one occasion 
crossed the Rhine to attack the Wallgauers, whilst the 
Leaguers crossed the bridge of Constance against the 
Schwaderloch. Hereupon the " Landsturm " was called 
out; on the Suabian side, by the firing of shots, and 
on the Swiss side by smoke, and the people ran to 
their places of rendezvous. Thurgauans, Bischofzellers, 
and St. Grallers assembled at the Schwaderloch to the 
assistance of the whole League, and sallied forth to find 
the lansquenets. These were already on their way 
home, their waggons full of corn, 3 and their muskets 
and field-pieces hung with pans, kettles, and all manner 
of pillage. But their enemies, by taking shorter roads 
through the woods, caught them up and engaged them in 
bloody encounters, and only when the leader of the infan- 
try, Burkard von Eandeck, who was considered the bit- 
terest foe of the Swiss, had fallen, and the leader of the 
horse, Wolf von Fiirstenberg, had taken flight after a. 

1 Stettler, p. 331 (note to new edition), Anshelm, ii. p. 302. 

2 Proclamation of 11th March and a Military Ordinance in Glutz- 
blotzheim, p. 86. 

3 Tschudi in Gltzbl., p. 103. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND SUABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 145 

chivalrous struggle, the lansquenets left both their mus- 
kets and booty behind, and fled towards the city-bridge, 
and to the ships in the lake. 1 This was the battle of 
Schwaderloch. 

Meanwhile Allgauer, Etschlander, and Suabians col- 
lected at Frastenz. The miners came out of their pits, 
arrayed themselves in steel, vaunted themselves greatly, 
and came to the battle. They did not dare to follow up 
their enemy, but entrenched themselves behind ramparts, 
and so awaited his onslaught. Above them, on the top of 
the Lanzengast were posted 300 rifles, and at its foot the 
miners. 2 The Swiss advanced against them in two divi- 
sions ; a compact body against the rampart in the valley, 
whilst sharpshooters to the number of 2,000 scaled the 
Lanzengast. Heini Wolleb rode at head of the first 
detachment of the 2,000 ; he then dismounted, ordered 
them to kneel, and said the Lord's prayer: he cried, " in 
G-od's name follow me." He led them through the ravines, 
where each one had to draw up his fellow by his lance, 3 
first into the fire of the rifles, and then into close quarters 
with them, until they were routed ; this done, they 
attacked the miners, and drove their first and second line 
behind their entrenchments ; and here, already victorious, 
he met with the main body. 4 With united forces, they 
scaled the great barricade, and saw the enemy drawn up in 
three bodies, in act of preparing his guns for action. For 
one moment they threw themselves flat on the ground, until 
the shots had passed over their heads : they then wanted 
to rise up. " Not yet, confederates ! " cried Heini, " wait 
for another salvo, and then at them." They all knelt 
down except himself. He, a tall, powerful man, stood up 
in the midst of all to maintain discipline ; careful for all, 
but fearless for himself. The bullets flew again, but all 
missed save one, and this laid him low. " Lay me by and 
attack them," he cried. 5 Within two hours the Suabians 
had been driven from their camp. The corpses with their 
red crosses floated down to Feldkirch. The Wallgauer 

1 Pirkheimer, p. 15. 2 Stettler, p. 341. 

s Tschudiin Gltzbl., p. 99. 

4 Hauptman und Fahndrich an Luzern, Glutzblotzheim, p. 522. 

5 Stettler, 342. 

L 



146 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

came even upon the battle-field to the victors with the sacra- 
ment, priests, women, and children, and begged for mercy. 1 
The Suabians took comfort and said, " Where is now your 
Wolleb ? " The Swiss replied, " He is playing dice with 
Eandeck." 

The Swiss were everywhere in advantage. From Thien- 
gen the lansquenets retired before them in their shirts, 
a white staff and a piece of bread in their hands. 2 
The lady of Blumeneck carried her husband away from the 
castle as the dearest treasure that she was allowed to take. 
On the Malsian heath the three bands of the Tyrolese 
fled before the "Grey Leaguers" when the horn of Uri 
echoed from afar. 3 The King's troops, on the other hand, 
climbed the topmost hills commanding the Engadine, and 
pursued the enemy down the side. But when they had 
reached the valley, they found the bridges, across which 
they had to go, on fire, villages, in which they intended to 
pass the night, in flames, and stores that they wanted 
to eat, all destroyed. They, the plunderers, had to pluck 
grass to satisfy the cravings of hunger, and were half mad 
from want ; the fresh waters of these mountains were their 
sole comfort. 4 

Such was the character of this war : on neither side was 
the motive love of conquest. No ! it was merely defence 
and revenge. They entrench themselves, sally forth, 
pillage, plunder, burn, and return home again. The neigh- 
bouring cities might easily, at that time, have joined the 
League of the Confederates (but these were as cruel as their 
enemies), and throughout the whole of Suabia, on every 
Wednesday and Saturday, after the sermon, they prayed 
for the League, the widows and orphans, and the general 
peace. 5 Conquest was not the intention of the Swiss either ; 
their war served no one save the King of France. 

And so it came about that Maximilian became in- 
volved in a desperate struggle. Lodovico had to forego 
all assistance from him, and found himself, as he was 

1 Miinster, Cosmographie, p. 631. 

2 Stettler, 343. Tschudi and Anshelm in Gltzbl. 

3 Stettler, 345. 

4 Pivkheimer, 19-21. 

5 Crusii Annales Suevorum, i. 513. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND SUABIA.NS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 147 

his ally, even deprived of Swiss aid. Danger threatened 
him, if the French succeeded at the same time in leading 
Swiss against Milan. To effect an arrangement with the 
Swiss, Lodovico sent G-aleazzo Visconti with thirty horses 
across Wallis to Berne. Schwyz, at all events, declared for 
him, but all to no purpose : he could not bring about any 
arrangement. 1 There was only one way of escape, viz., if 
Maximilian were to engage the Swiss in such a conflict, 
that they would forget to lend their aid to others. 

In July, 1499, Maximilian came upon the scene. The 
daily invitations addressed to him by his people had at 
last induced him to leave those enemies in G-uelders he 
was for ever pursuing, and never catching. In an open 
letter to the estates of the realm he enumerated the crimes 
the Confederates had committed against the Empire and 
Austria; and he succeeded in raising a considerable 
number to assist him. In a short time, a strong army of 
the Empire and the League was assembled at Constance. 
The soldiers of Guelders and Burgundy were at Dorneck 
under thecommand of Count Fiirstenberg, He felt sure 
of success. 2 If the Swiss ever really offered him, as is 
related, that they would serve the Empire, and wage his 
wars against the Turks, it must have been on this 
occasion. 3 

He threw them into great alarm and trepidation, yet did 
not succeed in preventing them from joining the French. 
Yet when Louis XII. made them a proposal in these 
terms, " He was taking the field, in order to take his 
hereditary land of Milan ; how if his allies showed them- 
selves on the hills with only three thousand men ? ", the 
Cantons refused him this request ; but a few thousand in- 
dividuals were induced by his pay — for their Fatherland 
had nothing to give them — to forget their country, and, in 
spite of all, to join the King's hommes d' amies, who were 
collecting at Asti. 4 

The issue to be fought out by both sides lay alone in 

1 Fuchs, 242. Weiskunig, 271. 

2 Weiskunig, 261. A letter in the Swiss Museum and in Glutz- 
blotzheim, 113. 

- 3 Unrest, Oesterreich, Chronik in Hahn, Collect. Monument., i. 803. 
4 Tschudi MS. in Fuchs. Proclamation of 22 June. 



148 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

arms and open war. If only Maximilian was victorious 
over the Swiss, Lodovico could join the Suabian League, and 
this might come to protect Milan. 1 

On the 13th July, 1499, with his artillery, and accom- 
panied by knights in coats of mail and waving plumes, 
Maximilian advanced over the bridge of Constance against 
the Schwaderloch. Scarcely recognizable in his old green 
tunic and his great hat, he rode about and gave his com- 
mands. The Eagle of the Empire waved in the hand of 
the Schenk of Limburg. The astrologers prophesied 
success. He waited for the enemies to come down from the 
mountains ; but they did not come. He therefore re- 
solved to hunt them out in their native hills ; and many of 
his followers expected, as he himself did, to strike a grand 
blow. But his nobles remembered Sempach and Charles 
the Bold. Should they spill their noble blood upon 
peasants? 2 The captains of his Wurtembergers declared 
that, " they were tired out with marching, and must wait 
for the strength of the whole Confederation to come up." 
They would not follow him. The King threw away his 
glove, and rode off ; they returned hastily to the city. 3 

After this, Count Fiirstenberg, at all events, resolved to 
make a raid from Dorneck. One day a provost of the 
Cathedral at Bale had a banquet prepared in the Cathe- 
dral tower, in order, with his friends, to look out upon 
Dorneck in flames. The same day, Nicholas Conrad, bailiff 
of Solothurn, sat at table at Liechstall, when he learnt 
that the castle was threatened. He did not wait for the 
other Federals to come up, but with his own followers 
mounted the heights above the enemy's camp. The horse- 
men were scattered about the villages; the lansquenets 
were drinking and dancing, or else shouting and quarrelling, 
their captains made themselves comfortable in long cloth- 
ing. Upon this camp the bailiff fell, and the Bernese and 
Zurichers followed him. At first it looked as if they must 
succeed without more ado. 4 But when the disciplined 

1 Lodovico to Stanga in Rosmini, ii. 261. 

2 Gotz von Berlichingen Leben, 19. Miinster, Cosmographie, 632. 

3 Coccinus, de bellis Italicis, ap. Freherum, ii. 278. Tschudi. 

4 Dornecker, Song and Letter of the Bernese Captains in the Ap- 
pendix to Glutzblotzheim, 524, 526. Stettler, 352. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 149 

lansquenets had drawn themselves up in line, and 
were supported by their cavalry, it was doubtful, and 
some Swiss fled into the woods near the Scharfenflue. All 
at once horns and shouts and the sound of feet. Both 
sides looked up to see who was coming, and which party's 
lot was to be victory and life, and whose defeat and 
death. There appeared a flag, folded like a banner ; it 
was the flag of Lucerne. The brave fellows, the Lucerners 
and Zugers, had been informed of the battle that was 
raging and had seen the fugitives in the wood; they 
forthwith hung up their knapsacks on a great pear tree, 1 
came, and fell upon the enemy. The Federals, thereupon, 
took courage, and the lansquenets lost heart. Count 
Heinrich fell, and four thousand men with him. Maximi- 
lian's hopes were over. At first he shut himself up in his 
castle at Lindau, and would not admit any of the princes ; 
but soon he composed himself . In the evening he opened 
his door, and dined in public ; he then gazed from his 
window at the stars, and spoke of their nature. 2 He was 
inclined for peace; accepted G-aleazzo's mediation, and con- 
sulted with him at Schaffhausen. But before any terms 
were arrived at — nay, even before any regular meetings 
had taken place, even whilst fighting was going on in 
Hegau, and Lauf enberg was being threatened, — the French 
threw themselves upon Lodovico. 

Lodovico saw his fate approaching. Against him was 
arrayed, on the one side, the same Trivulzio whom only 
three years previously he had publicly denounced with the 
words that " a halter awaited him as soon as caught;" the 
same Trivulzio, against whom he had roused warrior upon 
warrior to prove to him his treachery and cowardice ; that 
Trivulzio, of whom he had at last had a picture exhibited 
in all his cities, representing him as hanging by the legs, 3 
had now 1,500 lances and 15,000 men on foot under his 
command. On the other side, the Venetians were arming 
against him. He had hoped for assistance from the Swiss, 
but they were leagued with his enemies. He had hoped 
in the Germans, but they were engaged in war with the 

1 Inscription by Gerber, vide Glutzblotzheim, p. 134. 
Pirkheimer, p. 24. 



150 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

Swiss. He had hoped even a little in the Arrabiati at 
Florence ; but they were engaged on a campaign against 
Pisa. Finally, he had relied upon Bajazeth ; but how 
could Bajazeth help him ? for Venice was fitting out two 
armies, one against the Turks, and one against him. 1 
At this critical moment, all his foreign alliances, that had 
made him what he was, failed. The pen availed him 
nothing ; the sword could alone decide. He still relied 
upon his castles, and those favourites in them, whom he had 
from the first honoured more than his party ; he still hoped 
in his two armies on his two frontiers, who were not to 
engage the enemy in open battle, but to come to the 
assistance of the menaced castles ; he hoped, finally, in the 
fidelity of his Milanese, whose beneficent lord he had ever 
been. 

But even this calculation proved false. For castle after 
castle surrendered as soon as Trivulzio showed himself. 
Those favourites of Lodovico were Gruelphs, and their head, 
Trivulzio, was more to them than he was. The garrison of 
Yalenza had just prepared itself to give the enemy battle 
outside the walls, and awaited his attack, when the com- 
mander, Donato, let him in through the castle, and they 
saw themselves taken in the rear. At one stroke, Dertona, 
Voghera, and the whole country across the Po was lost. It 
is said that Trivulzio had brought with him 300,000 escus 
for the commanders; that Donato received 5,000; and that 
there was no custos, and no official in any castle in the 
Milanese land, that had not been bribed. 2 

Everything now depended upon the saving of Alessandria, 
and into it G-aleazzo Sanseverino threw himself with one of 
the two armies. Lodovico meant to exert all his strength 
to keep it. He summoned Francis Sanseverino, who was in 
command of the other army, to come to the aid of his 
brother. 3 But many energetic warnings were addressed to 
him, and this commander's name was mentioned to him 
among fifteen others suspected of treason. " Whom shall 
I trust if not Francis ? " he exclaimed. He had loaded 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 96. 

2 Corio, 969. Jusmondus to Lodovico in Rosmini, ii. 271. Antoniiis 
Ex Marchionibus in Rosm. 

3 Nardi, iii. 62. Senarega. 568. St. Gelais, 147. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STTABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 151 

him with, favours, and had treated hini as a son. Yet, 
when Francis had arrived at the Tessin he refused to cross 
and come to his brother's assistance. Lodovico persuaded 
himself of his inability to do so without risking a battle, 
and this must, under all circumstances, be avoided ; but 
everybody else said, Francis' treachery is patent. 1 

In this strait, G-aleazzo thought also on self-preservation. 
He saw his walls crumbling under the enemy's fire and his 
foes making ready to storm his citadel. He would not 
surrender, and neither would he defend himself to the last 
push. He arranged with Constantin de Montferrat, one 
of the leaders of the enemy, for permission to march off 
privily : and, accordingly, on the 28th August, 1499, be- 
tween the third and fourth hour of the night, G-aleazzo 
and his hommes d'armes took to flight. They took diffe- 
rent roads ; some the direction of the Po, in order to 
gain the main road, others the road to Montferrat, to 
reach Milan by way of Genoa. They were four hours 
gone, when the reveille sounded in the French camp, and 
the pursuit of the fugitives began. G-aleazzo, two Sforza, 
the Count of Melzo, and Luzio Malvezzo escaped across 
the Po. 2 But in Montferrat, Constantin could not keep 
his plighted word ; the Jiommes d'armes were deprived of 
their horses and weapons. 

The city had fallen ; the country was defenceless ; and 
Galeazzo's army was annihilated. " Haste," wrote Lodovico 
to Visconti : " Quick, haste to his Imperial Majesty ; announce 
to him this calamity. Kneel before him and implore him 
not to allow us to perish, but to come at once to our aid 
with as great an army as he can muster. In this citadel 
we will shut ourselves up and wait until His Majesty 
comes to deliver us." 3 That was Lodovico's first resolve, 
and he still relied upon the Milanese, whom he considered 
faithful to him, and whom he had already organized into 
companies. But their feelings towards him proved unre- 
liable ; they were willing to remain faithful to their lord, 
but it should, if possible, be to their advantage, and cer- 
tainly not to their harm. To risk life for him, life that 

1 Lodovico to Somentius. Corio, 971. 

2 Lodovico, Commissione ad Ambrogio et Martino, Corio, 979. 

3 Lodovico's Letter in Rosmini, i. 322. 



152 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

was to them the greatest of all goods, never entered into 
their calculations. 1 When the Venetians were come across 
the Oglio and would entertain no new proposals, Guelphs 
and French sympathizers showed themselves even in the 
capital. On the 30th August, the Treasurer, Landriano, was 
attacked on his way to the palace by an insolent fellow, who 
had twelve horsemen in his pay, and was thrown wounded 
under his horse. This occurrence showed Lodovico plainly 
that he could not count upon the Milanese, and could 
not trust himself and his family to them. 2 On the follow- 
ing day he lifted up his sons, Maximilian, aged nine, 
and Francis, seven years, kissed them, gave them into his 
brother's keeping, and sent them with his treasure to 
Germany. This done, on the 1st September he chose four 
men ; these again co-optated eight others from the first 
families, all Ghibellines. He granted each of them an 
estate, and committed the government into their hands. 3 
He too intended to cross the mountains. After having 
committed his castle and his jewels 4 to the keeping of 
Bernardino da Corte, whom he had brought up and raised 
from the dust, and had received the kiss of fealty from 
him, all was arranged, and he said to his companions, 
" God be with you." He then went forth alone to the 
Church of the Madonna delle Grazie. His wife, Beatrice, 
the companion of his prosperity, with whom his luck had 
died, lay here entombed. Here Leonardo da Yinci had 
painted them both, him with the elder child on his lap, 5 
and her with the younger. The beams of the setting sun 
slanted through the windows. He stood at the foot of her 
grave. The brothers of the convent escorted him out of 
the church. He looked once more around. What a close 
texture of coloured threads, and how unchangeably inter- 
woven, happiness and fortune, guilt and calamity, is this 
mortal life ! He burst into a flood of tears. Thrice he 
turned round, and then stood long lapsed in thought and 
motionless, with his head bowed to the earth. 6 In the 

1 Chronicon Venetum, p. 93. 

2 Corio, 973. 3 Corio, 973. 

4 Burcardus, Diarium Rom., 2103. Commissione, 980. 

5 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci, in vol. iii. 

6 Histoire MS. de la Conquete de Milan in Daru, Histoire de Venise, 
iii. 221. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 153 

castle yard, meanwhile, the bustle of horses and men, who 
were to escort him on his way, was heard. The next 
morning, at break of day, they all took the road to Como. 
Of all other cities the people of Como were the most 
Gibelline and ducal in their sympathies. Once again did 
they welcome in their Prince, and give him quarters in the 
episcopal palace. The following morning they came to- 
gether at his command in the garden by the lake. He 
stood amongst them on a rising knoll and addressed them. 1 
" Citizens, my most faithful subjects ! My fortune stood 
high, but now it has changed. I have spared neither 
energy, nor friends, nor strength. Yet all in vain; no 
one can resist treachery. I will now give way a little 
to fate, and will not struggle against God, will not de- 
stroy so many peoples, and still save my own. I go to 
my nephew, the serene King of the Eomans ; I go to 
him, and hope, with his assistance, in a short time to re- 
turn as conqueror. Follow, then, my advice. When the 
French come, do not oppose them, but obey them. But 
preserve your allegiance to me, so that when I come I may 
not be received as an enemy, but as your true and best 
lord and master. If I can do you any favour, tell it me, 
for I am still among you." Codito, a citizen, answered 
him in these words. " With thy departure, Prince, we 
pass from day to night. If thou wilt still do us a favour, 
relieve us of toll for ten years, so that we may each day 
praise thy generosity, and deliver the citadel into our keep- 
ing." He did not hesitate to grant the first request, but at 
the second he showed some hesitation. They shouted loud : 
" Go not away from us, Prince ! we will have no other 
prince but thee. But if thou wilt go, give into our hands the 
castle, wherein is our safety and our destruction." Whilst 
he was granting this petition, a cry was raised that the 
enemy was already in the Borgo. He instantly embarked, 
and sailed up the lake to Yaltellina. Having arrived at the 
baths of Bormio, at the foot of the Umbrail, on the frontier 
of his land, he rested once more, and then crossed over 
into Germany. 2 

1 Corio, 976. Paulus Jovius, Elogia. 

2 Corio, 977. Senarega, 567. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 102, 108, 122. Bembus, 98. 



154 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

Venice had avenged and, at the same time, compensated 
itself for the loss of Pisa : for Cremona surrendered, and 
in the cathedral there an altar was raised to St. Marco. 
Louis XII. had acquired the inheritance of Valentine. 
Bernardino da Corte in the castle quieted his scruples, 
on the King making him rich presents and a yearly allow- 
ance, and assigning to him the treasures and the artillery of 
the fugitives. 1 He kindled no torch and waved no flag, as 
he had promised his lord to do, to announce good or bad 
tidings. Unattacked by the enemy, he surrendered to them 
the impregnable fortress, the sole refuge of his benefactors. 
By this treachery he drew down upon himself the contempt 
of the one side and the curses of the other. But he could 
not endure it long ; he went forth and hanged himself. 2 
The King now came into his new country. Attired in a 
white mantle and turban, he rode through the white 
draped streets of the city : and some were heard to call him 
the Great King, their deliverer. 3 In order to win the most 
influential classes over to him, he allowed the nobles to 
hunt the big game, gave the professors greater incomes, 
and made the appointments of officials permanent. He 
then caused it to be publicly announced in the open squares 
and streets of Milan, that tolls upon wine, wheat, corn, 
millet and nuts, should from thenceforth be no more 
levied in the town and suburbs, or within the ecclesiastical 
district of Milan, whilst other burdens should be removed 
in the whole dukedom. He lowered the taxes, moreover, 
to 622,000 livres ; 4 he thought thus to satisfy everybody. 
Genoa, too, recognized his suzerainty. After Corradin 
Stanga had been recalled, and the Adorni showed them- 
selves more and more violent, many became averse to 
Lodovico. Now that he had fled away, the Adorni were 
also obliged to abandon their castles, and to fly. When 
the King arrived, the city sent twenty -four men to him, 
who arranged a capitulation, and thereupon received the 
oath of the new governor, Philip of Ravenstein, to it. He 

1 Burcardus, 2103. Ferronus, p. 48. 

2 Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim, 188. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 119, 120. Burcardus, 2107. 

4 Ferronus, iii. 49. Forma Cridse in Rosmini, ii. 278. Gilles, 
Chroniques de France, f. 120. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 155 

now ruled as far as Lesbos, as far as where the G-enoese had 
formerly swayed. 1 The less powerful princes joined hhn. 
The Marchese of Mantua entered into his service, 2 and 
Ercole of Ferrara, whose falcons and leopards he had had 
brought to him at Milan, put himself under his protection 
and claimed his frier aship. 3 The Popolares at Florence 
approached him by sending an embassy. When it came 
to war, the young Arrabiati chose them a leader, whom 
they called " Duke," and the Popolares another, whom 
they called " King," and they both gave performances in 
the market-place, displaying their respective tendencies. 4 
The party of the Popolares, owing to Lodovico's fall, gained 
the upper hand, and came to renew their old relations to 
Prance. Venice is Leonardo's lion, whose breast opens 
and is full of lilies. 3 As the Pope also was dependent upon 
the assistance which the French rendered him against the 
Sforza of Romagna, and as the Anjous in Naples longed 
for the arrival of the King, he, hitherto only Lord of Asti, 
had suddenly become by far the most powerful potentate 
in Italy. Having happily accomplished all these things, 
he returned to Prance. 

The quarrel at Milan had not, however, as yet been 
finally disposed of. 

Lodovico, far from giving up his cause for lost, thought 
of Ferrantino ; how he once had fled away and had 
returned to his own, chiefly owing to the people of Naples 
and the favour of the Milanese. As late as November, the 
King heard in Milan the cry of " Duke and Moor ! " and, 
in December, a coin was seen bearing the device of a Moor 
and a Turk, with the motto: " In winter we will fiddle ; in 
summer we will dance." 6 Here also public opinion was 
manifested in play ; when the boys, representing the 
two parties of the King and the Duke respectively, played 
together, the Duke's adherents were always the conquerors, 
and brought the leader of the royalists, who played King, 

1 Senarega, 563-570. Folieta, 272. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 122. 

3 Diarium Ferrareftse, 370. 

4 Filippo Nerli, Commentary, p. 80. 

5 Vasari, Vita di Leonardo da Vinci., torn. iii. p. 25. 

6 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 375, 377. 



156 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

back to the city dishonoured, tied to the tail of an ass. 1 
Lodovico considered himself sure of Milan. In Switzer- 
land, Galeazzo Yisconti negotiated, to his advantage, 2 a 
peace with the neighbouring Germans. Lodovico himself 
was obliged to pay the fine levied upon Wallgau and Bre- 
.genzerwald, and undertake to pay the 20,000 ducats, with- 
out which Constance would not cede the provincial Court 
of Justice in the Thurgau to the Seven Cantons, which 
demanded it. It was only after this was arranged, that 
the other differences were on the 22nd of September sub- 
mitted to arbitrators at Bale ; where a thanksgiving service 
was held in the cathedral and the peace ratified. 3 

On the conclusion of peace, the Swiss Cantons again 
evinced their old tendencies and dissensions. Lodovico 
had also here a faction favourable to his cause, and, as he 
could again avail himself of the lansquenets, he determined 
to dare a second struggle. 

In the green Alpine valleys, on either side of the St. 
Gotthard, dwelt the Ursers and Levantines ; the latter con- 
sisting of eight Italian communes, originally connected 
with the cathedral and the leading houses of Milan, and 
the former, a German settlement, ruled by the people of Uri. 
The valleys were perpetually in feud, usually about the 
pasturage, and each called its patron to its aid. But, 
sometimes, when the people of Uri drove their oxen through 
Levantina to the market of Yarese, they themselves were 
insulted, and became thus the more enraged. On such 
:an occasion, in 1402, Levantina was forced to acknow- 
ledge the protection of Uri. That was no sufficient ad- 
vantage for the people of Uri. The pass of Bellenz is so 
narrow that the town, with its three gates, could entirely 
close it. They also acquired Bellenz, partly by force and 
partly by purchase. Since then they had, on this account, 
fought many a battle with Milan. There was a time when 
they had given up both. Francis Sforza had restored 
Levantina to them (and " in gratitude for this they had 
to bring every August four falcons and a new crossbow to 
Milan "), but not Bellenz. 4 They conceived that they had 

1 Chronicon Venetum, p. 137. 2 Pirkheinier, p. 27. 

3 Document in Fuchs, p. 269. 

4 Simler, Respublica Helvetica, p. 43. The rest Miiller and Ebel. 






CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 157 

an established right to this place also, and followed the 
Duke of Orleans to No vara : they were always on his side, 
because he had promised it them. But now that the 
Duke no longer thought himself bound by his promise, 
which was made under other circumstances, Lodovico, who 
had changed sides with them, was inclined to promise 
them something. 1 Like the oxen of Uri, the horses of 
the Valais had also their market in Milan; thence the 
"Grey Leaguers" procured certain tuns of corn and wine. 
They could not live without the Dukedom, and enjoyed 
old privileges from the Sforza. Lodovico knew how to 
turn all these conditions to his account. 

First of all, as it appears, he availed himself of the state 
of affairs in Uri. For at the self- same time, in October, 
1499, he promised Bellenz and Yal Bregna to the people 
of Uri, 2 and Galeazzo collected some troops for an incur- 
sion into Vatellina. 3 But on this occasion — for the Bailiff 
was also at this moment enlisting troops, and the cantons 
called back their sons who had gone away ; and the 
Bang promised the people of Uri various possessions — the 
troops were disbanded as soon as collected. 4 But one 
advantage accrued to Lodovico therefrom. The Bailiff dis- 
missed many in the midst of winter without pay, and some 
were frozen to death on the tops of the mountains. By 
these doings he made himself and the King enemies enough. 
These enemies, the universal dissatisfaction, and the rela- 
tions subsisting between the Grey Leaguers and the Valais, 
G-aleazzo availed himself of to make a second attempt.. 
The Yalais declared that the King was an intolerable 
neighbour ; 5 2,000 Grey Leaguers enrolled themselves at 
Chur under his standard. All whom the Bailiff had 
wronged or rejected he welcomed to it. In January, 1500, 
he was enabled to venture over the mountains between the 
Engadine and Valtellina. 6 His advent was victory. At the 
first cry, Chiavenna opened its gates ; the Gibellines of 

1 Lodovico's Capitulation in Miiller, v. 2 Fuchs, 274. 

3 Stettler, 361. 

4 Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim and the proclamation of Lucerne of the 
7th January, 1501, in Glutzblotzheim, p. 532. 

5 Hans Krebs in Fuchs, 171. 

6 Benedictus Corius, Historia Novocomensis, 58. 



158 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

Lugano and Locarno rose ; the people of Bellinzona recon- 
quered their castle for the Duke. The French fled from 
Como, in dread of Ascanio's arrival. John Orelli marched 
into Pavia, and, as there was a lack of corn, provisioned it 
with chestnuts. 1 All depended upon whether the Duke's 
party in Milan would be able to hold that city. 

In Milan, the Gribelline families, the Landrians, Mar- 
lians, Yisconti, Cribelli, and especially some ecclesiastics 
amongst them, would never obey Trivulzio. On one occa- 
sion, even, they made common cause with the French 
prefect against him. 2 Between the G-ibellines and G-uelphs 
there existed an open feud. Sometimes no one dared to 
speak of terms. Sometimes the leaders had a conference 
and concluded a formal peace. Trivulzio, who behaved 
himself as these party leaders were wont to do when they 
were victorious, ever kept alive the arrogance of the rest. 
When then, on the 1st February, 1500, the tidings arrived 
that the Sforza were there, both rushed at once to arms. 
Trivulzio, with his G-uelphs, was the first to occupy the 
square between the cathedral and the palace. The (libel- 
lines showed courage, and surrounded him and his men. 
The two parties kept up a contest of words. As long as 
Trivulzio was honey-tongued, saying that : " he desired no 
better luck than to share Milan's fate ; he was willing to 
die for his country, but that they must be faithful, and 
that then they would obtain great liberties," his opponents 
only replied with mockery ; " was he not the same person, 
who had always sought his own advantage in his country's 
calamities? Was he not the old fox that had ever 
deceived them ? He was only now making them promises 
that he would never be able to keep." But when he began 
to command them to lay down their arms, threatening 
that the King would destroy the city, they also became 
violent. " If G-uelphs could carry arms, Gibellines could 
do the same ; instead of giving orders, he would now have 
to receive them ; but why was he still allowed to live ? If 
his lif e was the ruin, his death would be the saving, of his 

1 Bened. Jovius, Historia Novcom., 60. Zurita, i. 176. Life of 
Aloysius Orelli, 40. 

2 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 7. Andrea da Prato, Cronaca, in Ros- 
mini, i. 337. 






CH. IV.] SWISS AND STJABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 159 

country." One G-ibelline or other was for ever shouting 
these words ; each hour that the Sforza drew nearer, their 
courage waxed stronger. The next morning, Trivulzio 
retired to the park and the castle. In the city nothing 
was heard but "Duke and Moor, and death to the 
G-uelphs." All the shops were closed, and the streets 
barricaded ; Trivulzio saw that the city was lost, provided 
for the castle and fled to the Tessin. 1 

These tidings, with the invitations from his party, 
reached Lodovico in Innsbruck. He was not yet ready, 
he had not lansquenets enough, and Maximilian did not 
approve of his starting at that moment ; 2 but Lodovico 
could not be restrained. He took Claude de Vaudrei's 
Burgundian horse, lansquenets as many as he had, and 
crossed the Alps. 3 They came from the villages and towns 
to meet him, saying, " All hail, Lodovico our prince ! " The 
people of Como brought him in triumph into their church. 
All the nobles in a body met him before the gates of Milan. 
As a sign of his mercy, he carried a green ensign, upon it 
embroidered a Moor, dressed in gold, touching the shoul- 
ders of four barons kneeling before him. Thus did he 
enter the city. 4 After this, the people of Cremona only 
waited for an occasion to revolt from Venice, and in Genoa 
the rulers did not dare to commit the watch to any Italian, 
for the city was full of the report that, " John Adorno had 
written and was on the march with succour from Naples." 5 
In Ferrara itself three hundred boys followed the drum of 
a Servite monk ; they thundered at the door of the Vene- 
tian Visdomino, and shouted " Moor ! " 6 The whole 
country would at one stroke have come into Lodovico' s 
hand, had not the unfaithful surrendered their castles ; 
these must be retaken, were he to assert his supremacy. 
He raised his army, in spite of their small pay, to 12,000 
men and 2,500 horses ; his brother Thomas followed him 
with the guns that he had just had cast in G-ermany. He 

1 Epistola Hieronymi Moroni ad Varadeum in Bosmini, ii. 280. 
Chronicon Venetum, 137. 

2 Maximilian's letter of complaint of the year 1507, in Fuchs, ii. 91. 

3 Benedictus Jovius, 61. 

4 Ibid., and Ferronus, iii. 51. 

5 Senarega, 571. 6 Diarium Terrarense. 



160 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

said to the people, " I will be your prince and will be your 
brother ; but you must help me with money." Now, 
although many thought that they had made sacrifices 
enough for him, and others did not believe that they could 
rely upon his good fortune, most of them perceived that 
his need was their need, and assisted him. Hereupon 
Ascanio besieged the castle at Milan, and he that at 
Novara. 

Trivulzio, in the face of this movement, had retired 
upon roads which the peasants endeavoured to render im- 
passable by trees and stones, in return for which he left 
their villages desolated in his track, and proceeded despon- 
dently — for his own party upbraided him — past Pavia to 
Mortara and Yercelli. Thither the King despatched La 
Tremouille to take the supreme command; thither also 
came a few Swiss, who had been in the pay of Cesar 
Borgia. 1 But to withstand an army as great as that which 
Lodovico had with him, fresh recruiting must be resorted 
to. For this the Florentines and Venetians gave money, 
and the Archbishop of Sens and the Bailiff started at once 
for Switzerland to effect this. 

The Swiss of those days were bold in the face of steel, 
but weak in the presence of money. They were united as 
soon as they had an enemy before them ; but before that 
disunited, as also in negotiations. As they have no great 
general interests to consult, they blindly follow each special 
and momentary advantage. If those who joined Lodo- 
vico' s colours remained faithful to his cause, whilst others 
were allowed to give their oath of allegiance to the Bailiff 
representing the opposite side, the murder of relatives by 
relatives, and a domestic war, terminating with the break- 
up of the federation, might ensue. It was, perhaps, owing to 
these apprehensions that they did not agree to the first 
offer of the Bailiff on the 21st February : " The King," 
they said, " should first of all pay up all arrears and con- 
firm the terms ;" and so, grumbling to himself : "it will 
be a matter of crowns, and so I suppose I shall have to 
open the purse," he left the assembly, and went through 
place after place. 2 On the 11th March they again assem- 

1 Moronus ad Varadeum, 285. Chronic. Venet., 143. Ferron. 

2 Anshelm and Tschudi in Glutzblotzheim, p. 171. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND SUABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 161 

bled. Maximilian represented to them that : "in their 
terms with the French King, the Empire was excepted 
from those countries against which they were to lend 
assistance ; but Milan was now a crown land, and Lodovico 
a subject, a, vassal, of the Empire." That was at that time 
no unfounded assertion, as Lodovico had completely allied 
himself to the Romo- German King ; but now that they 
had received their money, they would not listen to any 
counter reasons. 1 The Zurichers chose a captain and 
" Venner " for their companies ; the Freiburgers sent their 
counsellors with them. Although the enlistment was at 
once prohibited in Berne, 2 the people, in spite of the pro- 
hibition, followed the drum. They marched, some up the 
Soane and across the Bernhardin and the three Cantons 
over the St. G-othard, and came to Vercelli. They did not 
know what they were doing. Many a one had a brother, a 
brother-in-law, or a father opposed to him in Novara. 

Either the oath would have to be broken, or the fede- 
ration was at an end. 

Lodovico still called his camp the most happy ; 3 he 
still hoped to draw all those who had crossed over the hills 
to his standard. He thought to make use of the people of 
Uri, and sent a message to the Swiss to this effect : 
" Bellenz, Mendris, Lugano, Locarno, and Val Maggia he 
would cede to them, give them 40,000 ducats at once, and 
pay a yearly sum of 24,000, if they would only rid him 
of the King." 4 Thereupon, the common people of Berne, 
in both city and land, having, as they probably had, 
relations on both sides, implored their counsellor, their 
Bailiff, to see that peace was made. This counsellor 
proposed 5 to the federals to dissuade both princes and 
both lords from using the sword, else great damage and 
great strife was unavoidable ; and in this direction the 
German envoys likewise exerted their influence. As a 
matter of fact, a resolution was arrived at on the 31st 
March, such as Lodovico desired : " On the 8th of April 
two deputies from each canton should meet in the inn at 

1 From Tschudi in Fuchs, p. 287. 

2 Berne to Maximilian, p. 299. 

3 Lodovico's signature in Fuchs, p. 304. 

4 Stettler, 364. 5 Letter of Berne, 298 and 302. 

M 



162 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

Uri, and thence haste, in G-od's name, to bring the two 
princes to an understanding. " l 

But before the decree was made, the French sallied 
out. Lodovico was bold enough to oppose himself outside 
the walls to a threefold stronger army than his, and to 
draw up Swiss to face Swiss. But both stopped ; they re- 
fused to fight each other. 2 He retired to Novara, his 
enemies after him. He awaited, it appears to me, the 
decree, from which he hoped everything, and that suc- 
cour, which on the 9th of April had arrived at Como. 3 
At length the decree arrived; but it was not so un- 
equivocal that the French could not make use of it. People 
were not in Lucerne quite at one in the matter ; the ducal 
party had gained something, but not everything, and the 
essence of the decree was quite contradictory in terms : 
" The soldiers should be warned by both sides to return 
home, or, at all events, to go over to one side. 4 It is evident 
that this determined the matter. The French could rely 
upon faithful men ; Lodovico had to deal with captains 
who defrauded him of 500 guilders in a single levy. 5 
These latter went over into the enemy's camp, and let the 
enemy into theirs. The two became almost one. It was 
soon resolved to interpret the resolution in favour of the 
French. The cry was raised, " It is all over with the Duke." 6 
The French then came so close to him that they might 
almost have taken him prisoner in a room. 7 "When he 
complained of the conduct of his captains, they answered : 
" "When did they ever promise to fight against federals : 
if he only wanted counsel, he should apply to his wise 
counsellors ; but if he looked to them for advice, theirs 
was that he should mount a good horse, and ride off to 
Bellenz or Eschenthal." 8 In this state of perplexity, he 
entered into negotiations with the leaders of the French, 

1 Resolution in Fuchs, p. 292 ; in Glutzblotzheim, p. 174. 

2 Kergicht Meyers in Gl., 175. 

3 Benedictus Jovius, Hist. Novocom., p. 61. 

4 Eesolution in Glutzbl. 

5 Resolution in Gl., p. 532. 

6 Anselm in Fuchs, 309. 

7 Tapfer vogts Vergicht in Fuchs, 321. 

8 Pfisters and Zehwegers Vergicht in Fuchs, Glutzb.,and in Aloysius 
Orelli's life, p. 54. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND SUABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. ] 63 

and Ligny was for allowing him to escape ; but the others 
opposed this, and Trivulzio said : " He is as good as ours." l 
The enemy without, treachery within ; for his Italians also 
became weary and drew back. There was only one way of 
escape, namely, that which iEmilius Paulus advised to 
Perseus, and of which Cato gave an example to the great 
Romans — the last expedient in the struggle with fate, 
before one succumbs. But Lodovico was not the man to 
perceive it or seize it. 

On Friday morning, the 10th April, 1500, Lodovico 
Maria Sforza, called the Moor, sat in his room at Novara, 
read, and appeared to pray. G-aleazzo Sanseverino entered 
and said : " he had only looked for two hundred Swiss 
to give him an armed escort, but had not found a single 
one." Then came certain Swiss captains and said : " they 
were obliged to go. Would he venture to escape in their 
midst, he should disguise himself and come." He hardly 
heard them, but went on reading. 2 They came again to 
him. "All is ready," they said. They found him still 
hesitating. So throwing a Swiss blouse over his scarlet 
skirts, 3 they sat him, partly by force and partly with his 
will, upon a horse, put a halberd in his hand, concealed 
him in their thickest company, and rode out of the gate. 
The French stood on both sides with lowered spears, and 
with guns ready pointed, so as to find him and not 
allow him to escape. 4 Some of them fell upon the lans- 
quenets, and upon the Burgundians, and took Jacob von 
Ems prisoner. 5 Others rode up to the Swiss : " they had 
him, and for dear life they should surrender him. Did 
they not point him out, they were undone." 6 The caval- 
cade stopped. The Duke, now a Minorite, and now a 
Swiss trooper with a halberd, once taken, but again let 
go, as he was not recognized, was here, there, and every- 
where, and few knew him. At last the Bailiff rode up 
and offered 500 ducats to him who would point him 

1 Morone to Varadeus. 

2 The same, Vergicht in Fuchs, 331. 

3 Anton, p. 110. 

4 Zimmermann's Vergicht, 323. 

5 Bebelii Epitome laudum Suevorum, p. 141, 

6 Briichli Scherers, Tapfervogts Vergicht. 



164 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

out. 1 Thereupon a man of TJri, by name Turmann, who 
was standing behind him — a man of whom nothing evil 
had ever been known before — was allured by the proffered 
lucre, and lifting up his hand, said in a low tone, "There ! " 2 
No one resisted. The Bailiff seized and recognized the 
Duke, and struck him with the flat of his sword across 
the shoulders. Trivulzio stept up to him and said, 
" Sforza, you have your reward." 3 

At the first report, the Milanese rushed terrified from 
their houses to the palace. Ascanio went out to them 
and said, " The Moor is a prisoner." He said nothing 
more. He had forgotten his eloquence. He thought 
only of his own escape. 4 Francis Sforza had had five 
sons, all excellently endowed by nature and well brought 
up by their wise mother ; but the first was murdered 
by conspirators ; the second fled away from his sister- 
in-law and was drowned ; the third died in exile. The 
fourth was Lodovico, and Ascanio, too, the fifth, did not 
escape the fate of the others. He fell into the capti- 
vity of Venice. No city was able to defend itself. They 
came out everywhere to meet the victors with olive 
branches. 5 But the victors treated them as great crimi- 
nals. The Vogheresi also waited for Ligny, their lord, 
but he rode by them, as though he did not see them. 
They began to entreat him, but he would not hear until 
Louis d'Ars interceded for them. They brought him 

1 Paulus Jovius, Epitome Historiarum, p. 87. 

2 Scherer's Vergicht, 322. 

3 Anton, p. 110. Ferronus, 52. Monstrelet, 230. In the " Anzeiger 
fiir Schweizerische Geschichte" for 1884, No. 80, p. 279, is published a 
letter of Geoffrey Carles (of the 15th April, 1500), who belonged to the 
French, who, at the revolt of Milan, in January, 1500, had retired into 
the citadel, and in which is also stated that Lodovico had endeavoured to 
escape among the Swiss, to whom he made great promises. The French 
let the Swiss file by man by man. They recognized Lodovico also by 
the fact that he could not speak German (Cognitus pour ce qu'il ne sceut 
respondre Alemand). The treachery of Turmann is not mentioned. 
Everything is attributed to the work of the French commander. So, 
also, in Trivulzio's letter to the Signorie (in Sanuto, Diarii iii., p. 226). 
But we must, after all, take our stand upon what the Swiss accounts tell 
us. (Note to 3rd edition.) 

4 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 2. 

5 Chronicon Venetum, 151. 



CH. IV.] SWISS AND STTABIANS INVOLVED IN THE WAR. 165 

silver plate, and he gave it at once to Bayard. 1 The latter 
said : " G-od forbid that the gifts of such wicked people 
should come into my hand," and distributed it among 
others. "He will become the most perfect man, I say," said 
Ligny. In this way they took possession of the country. 
In Milan the heads of the leading G-ibellines were impaled 
at the palace gates, the rest were spared. 2 But the two 
Sforza were sent to France. Bourges and Loches lie not 
far apart on the left bank of the Loire, Bourges with its 
round high tower, commanding the country for miles 
round ; 3 thither came Ascanio ; Loches with its towers 
and bastions built on a steep rock, and surrounded by such 
deep moats that the English declared it to be impreg- 
nable. 4 Here Lodovico was interned. Here he often 
spoke with his servant from Pontremoli of his sins and his 
fate. 5 "That is the star of Francis Sforza," said the 
astrologers in Italy ; "it means fortune for one man, but 
disaster for his descendants." 6 

As Maximilian was engaged in this war, he was also 
affected by this disaster. On that same momentous 
10th of April on which Lodovico was taken prisoner, he 
opened a Diet at Augsburg. His prestige in his Em- 
pire did not alone depend upon internal development, 
it depended almost still more upon his war and peace, and 
upon his extraneous successes. Now that, since the diet of 
Freiburg, the four military enterprises in which he had been 
engaged had failed, viz., in Burgundy, in Guelder s, in 
Switzerland, and Milan, he was forced to acquiesce in 
a G-overnment, such as had already been proposed at 
Worms. It consisted of twenty members, an elector, a 
spiritual and a temporal prince, a count, a prelate, and 
fifteen deputies, These twenty had the right of summon- 
ing the princes in small numbers or collectively, of deciding 
upon war, of recruiting infantry and horse for the 
" pfennig " impost, that they were to administer, even of 

1 Bayard, p. 84. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 162. Seyssel, Louanges du bon Eoi, p. 48. 
Supplement to Monst relet. 

3 Andre du Chesne, Antiquites. p. 482. 

4 Ibid., p. 520. 

5 Paul Jovius, Elogia, p. 200. 6 Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 24. 



166 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

resolving upon the conquest, which might perhaps succeed, 
and finally, of making peace again. 1 What then remained 
of the royal dignity ? " They would have liked to depose 
us," said Maximilian, " but a certain person required time 
and leisure." On the 2nd of July, 1500, this Government 
was resolved upon. As early as the 21st, Louis XII. went 
to meet an embassy sent by it ; he had to expect more 
assistance from it than resistance to his plans. He had 
gained a complete victory over Maximilian. 2 



3. Pope Alexander VI. and his Son against the Vassals of 
the Church. 

Had it really been so with Francis Sforza's star, as was 
said, its pernicious effect would have extended to the whole 
of the Sforzian-Aragon dynasty. It turned out to his ruin 
that the Pope had entered into a league with Louis XII. 
But, in order to make clear to ourselves how the Pope was 
situated, it is necessary to begin with a general sketch. 

Laws and customs, representing the unity of society in 
each individual member, do not merely exist for the pur- 
pose of protecting others against you, or you against 
others, but also for the purpose of protecting you against 
yourself. Moderation and self -restriction, the neglect of 
which entails self-destruction, and which inclination and 
arrogance will notwithstanding never tolerate, become by 
means of them a habit, and lead him, who submits to 
them, unharmed and peacefully through all the days of 
his life. Yet, as the human race ever needs new laws, 
some one must be raised up to originate and guard them, 
and over such a one their restrictive force cannot have 
power. 

A great danger this, and yet one which high and low 
ever vie with each other in arrogating to themselves, 
and which the Germano-Christian nations, while yet united, 
reposed in a single individual, a greyhead chosen by grey- 

1 Gasser, Augsburger Chronik, 258. Regiments -ordnung in Miiller's 
Reichstags- staat, 25-48. 

2 Maximilian. Kurzer Begriff Seiner Reichs-verwaltung, p. 120. Mon- 
strelet. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 167 

heads ; a man who, with the exception of his name, had 
given up all connection with the world, and whom they 
believed God's Spirit did not allow to go astray. But in- 
clinations are exceedingly deep-rooted and obstinate, even 
in old men ; and who is there that could he dead to the 
world and yet rule it ? It was fortunate that the Popes 
were not entirely without fear, neither when they fought 
with the Emperors, nor when the Gribelline party was at 
its height, nor when they were at Avignon in the power of 
the French kings. After this, they were held in check by 
the schism, the fear of a fresh schism, or by the proximity 
of the Turks. 

It was only when they had become accustomed to this 
constant fear, and when, in the whole of the Western 
world, there was none who could withstand the coalition 
even of the few that the Pope could always command, that 
he became quite fearless. Two things tended to make this 
a particular misfortune ; corrupt election, and the prevail- 
ing iufidelity. Would a strong man, whose mind in the 
course of a long life had become impure by sensuality, 
greed, and all the vices of the world, on having attained 
this position, be more likely to employ it to a good or an 
evil end ? A fear of Him, of whose being he knew nothing 
for certain, could not restrain him. Alexander every 
Maundy-Thursday imitated the Author of the faith by 
washing the feet of twelve poor men ; but the feet had 
first to stand in a golden basin full of perfumed herbs, 
and a Cardinal had first to pour water over them out of a 
golden vessel, and not until then did he touch them. 1 
Reliable diaries accuse him of a sensuality that found its 
gratification even in that of others, of a cruelty that em- 
ployed murderers 2 by day and night, and of a villainy so 
elaborated, as by means of promises to induce a man, good in 
other respects, to confess to something that he had not com- 
mitted, and then to punish him as if he had been guilty of it. 3 
A man who had once spoken ill of his son, he punished by 
cutting off his hand and the tip of the tongue, and caus- 

1 Anton Harve, Keise 3. 

2 Raphael Voleterranus, Vitae Paparum, p. 167. Burcardus, Vale- 
rianus de infelicitate literatorum, p. 272. 

3 Burcardus, 2085. 



168 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

ing the latter to be exhibited stuck on the tip of the little 
finger. 1 

Through his son Don Juan, to whom Federigo had pro- 
mised a principality in return for his enfeoffment, this Alex- 
ander had become closely connected with both Federigo 
and all the Sforza and Aragons. But, in consequence of 
Juan's sudden death — his body was found in the Tiber 2 — 
this connection began to be severed. Juan, as the German 
chronicles relate, was Alexander's joy, and his soul was 
wrapped up in him. He now sat from Thursday to Sunday 
shut up in his chamber, without eating and sleeping, and 
always in tears, and thought of abdicating ; for his wicked- 
ness was the cause of his son's death. 3 On Sunday he came 
forth, went on foot to St. Peter's, ordered five cardinals 
to re-arrange his Court, and bade his children leave it. 4 
But his children controlled him. All his passions were 
in still greater intensity found in his son Cesar: sen- 
suality, thirst for power, bloody revenge, also the power 
of concentrating all his mental forces upon a single object, 
and his open-handed and apparently generous and princely 
bearing. 5 Cesar was an active, well-grown man, skilled 
at throwing, riding, and at slaying the bull when running 
with a single blow ; his dark-red face was full of pimples, 
that readily festered, and gave to his eye keenness and 
brilliancy and a snake-like movement, which he only re- 
strained a little in the presence of women. 6 After his 
brother's death, which was attributed to him himself, his 
tastes were all for arms and princely honours. Instead of 
removing from the Court, he proposed to his father to 
relieve him from the office and dignity of Cardinal, and 
to endow him with a principality. 7 The Church is built up 
upon the inextinguishable character of the priestly state, 
and it was quite without precedent that the highest rank 
in it should be given up. Yet this objection did not 

1 Burcardus, 2137. 

2 Burcardus, Diarium, 2082. Zurita, f. 125. Mariana, xxxi. p. 169. 
Guicciardini, iii. 182. 

3 Matthias Doring, Continuatio chron. Engelbusi, Ap. Menken, iii. 

4 Nardi, ii. 42. Burcardus. 

5 Petrus Martyr, Epistolse xv. 143. 

6 Jovius, Elogia virorum bellica virtute clarorum, 201-203. 

7 Burcardus, also in Gordon's Appendix, 57. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 169 

trouble the Pope much, and, as a matter of fact, he proposed 
to Federigo that he should give his eldest daughter and Don 
Juan's possessions to Cesar. 1 Now Joffred Borgia and Lu- 
oretia Borgia, the latter of whom had been torn away from 
the side of John Sf orza of Pesaro and married to Alonso of 
Bisceglia, were already allied to the Aragon house by mar- 
riage. But Federigo knew Cesar. A quiet, moral, noble gen- 
tleman as he was, and a father who loved his daughter so 
tenderly, could not sanction this. The Sf orza plied him with 
entreaties upon entreaties, representing to him that the Pope 
would otherwise take other steps for the destruction of Italy. 
But his reply was that : " nothing in the world should induce 
him ; rather would he die a poor nobleman, and endure all 
the ills of the world, than do this. They should not mention 
it again." From that time Alexander began to enter into 
serious negotiations with France. After Louis XII. had pro- 
mised Valentinois to Cesar, the latter came into the Con- 
sistory of Cardinals : "in spite of always having been 
addicted to the world, he had ever been raised to spiri- 
tual dignities and benefices. His propensities would not 
be curbed. He now gave back his benefices, and begged 
to be relieved of his office." 2 How could he be refused 
what had long since been determined and settled? In 
short, in Oct., 1498, he made his public entrance as Prince 
into Chinon, where Louis was holding his Court. Sixty- 
six laden mules preceded hirn ; he himself rode in, covered 
from his hat, in which gleamed ten rubies, down to his 
boots, with precious stones. His horse was shod with silver 
shoes ; and behind him there came twenty-four mules 
caparisoned in red velvet. 3 The Pope was at one time 
heard to say that, "he would give a fourth part of his 
papacy if only Cesar would not return ; " and at another — 
for he believed himself offended — " If only Cesar were 
there, he would act differently ; " 4 and hence we can per- 
ceive how completely he was in Cesar's power. In France, 
Cesar received Valentinois, the bishop of which styled 
himself Count, as a Dukedom, and in May, 1499, Charlotte, 
Alain d'Alibret's daughter, to wife. 5 Through this mar- 

1 Bercardus, 2098. 2 Burcardus, 2096. 

3 . Brantome, Capitains etrangers, from an original. 

4 Zurita, 159. 160. 5 Fleuranges, p. 12. Ferronus, p. 48. 



170 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

riage lie became related to the King of Navarre and 
France. He next schemed to attain a larger lordship. If 
Louis attacked the Sforza in Milan, he, on his part, would 
ruin the Eomagnan vassals, and all the vassals of the Church. 
In September, 1490, Lodovico fled for the first time. 
In November, the Pope declared the nephews of the former 
to have forfeited Imola and Forli. 1 Cesar did not re- 
collect that their father, G-irolamo Biario, after having 
risen to power, lived like he did, and what his end was. 
With French and Swiss assistance, Cesar made war upon 
Catharine, Lodovico' s sister and G-irolamo' s widow. The 
lady had no support. Florence and Milan had formerly 
been allies. The former favoured her, because her Court 
was full of Florentines ; 2 besides, her third husband, Gio- 
vanni di Pier Francesco dei Medici, had come from Florence, 
and her son at times enjoyed the emoluments of office 
there. 3 The latter city was so devoted to her that, for 
a time, Giovanni da Casale, Lodovico' s agent, had the 
whole government in his hands, and was present at her 
most secret audiences. 4 Aided by both, she had in the 
previous year resisted the Venetians, and in this had 
supported both, especially Lodovico, with troops. 5 But 
now Lodovico was an exile, and her enemy was lord of 
Milan. Now, too, in Florence, instead of the notables, who 
were her friends, and the friends of her late husband, Gio- 
vanni Medici, and of her child, the Popolares were supreme ; 
and although she went thither saying, " the holy evening of 
the Florentines was her festival also," they still considered 
it dangerous to resist the French and Cesar. In conse- 
quence of this state of things, Imola, both city and 
citadel, was soon lost, and the nobles welcomed the enemy 
into the city of Forli. 6 The citadel of Forli, that had 
been so strongly fortified by Pino Ordelaffi as to appear 
impregnable, still held out. Catherine, who, since her 
husband's death, had withstood all her enemies, herself 
commanded it, went about on the walls, and was not 

1 Burcardus, 2107. 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia Contessa Caterina Sforza, lett. iv. p. 16. 

3 Commissione a Macchiavelli, p. 1. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legatione, lett. ii. 7. 

5 Ibid., p. 17. 6 Nardi, ii. 61. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 171 

daunted. 1 In order to compass her rescue, a musician took 
a poisoned letter to Eome, and desired an audience of the 
Pope. His chamberlain was a native of Forli, and with 
this chamberlain's help he thought he would be able to 
succeed. Yet he betrayed him. "Didst thou think to 
escape, in the event of succeeding?" "At all events," 
was the answer, " I should have saved my Princess ; she 
reared me up, and I would suffer a thousand deaths for 
her." 2 Cesar had promised 10,000 ducats to whomsoever 
would bring her to him alive ; but amongst such faithful 
adherents he could not hope to find a traitor. She took no 
notice of the Pope' s promise to grant her an annual allowance ; 
she met Cesar's attacks with energy. At last the wall was 
pierced by 400 shot, and was scaled. She defended herself 
to the last ; but at last she was taken, and brought before 
Cesar. The French captain demanded the 10,000 ducats ; 
Cesar then spoke of 2,000. " Wilt thou break thy word ? " 
answered the former, and was on the point of killing her. 3 
After this she enjoyed many long years and much honour 
in Florence. Lodovico's return delayed this undertaking, 
for, on account of it, French and Swiss had to turn towards 
Milan. 

After a while a messenger brought the tidings of Lodo- 
vico's captivity. The Pope gave him 100 ducats. The 
Romans shouted "Orso and Franzia" in the streets. 4 
Cesar, who had since received the mantle, hat, and 
staff of " Gonfalonier e " of the Church, advanced against 
John Sforza at Pesaro. 5 John relied upon his people, 
upon Venice, and Urbino. In his hall, the nobles and 
citizens at his request had promised him allegiance and 
assistance ; immediately afterwards he discovered a con- 
spiracy. He hurried to Venice, that had always protected 
him ; but on this occasion he remembered how he had re- 
ceived Turkish ambassadors. The Duke of Urbino gave 
him poor encouragement, saying he ought to keep himself 
for a better opportunity. 6 When Cesar approached, he 
fled, and abandoned to him both city and country. 
Pandolf Malatesta would not await him at Eimini. Be- 

1 Chronicon Venetum, p. 128. 2 Burcardus ii. 61. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 135. 4 Burcardus, 2116. 

5 Burcardus, 2114. 6 Baldi Guidubaldo, 215. 



172 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. I. 

fore that year, Venice had sent a Proveditor to protect 
him, so that Cesar had to return, whilst he hurried to 
the feet of the Signorie, 1 to express his gratitude. But 
now Venice had declared for the Pope, who had granted to 
her ecclesiastical revenues wherewith to fight the Turks ; 
his people hated him, and so he also fled. Hereupon, now 
that everything appeared to succeed, in November, 1500, 
Cesar advanced against Paenza. 

The Faentines were distinguished among all the Bomag- 
nans for their harmony and their industrial cleverness ; 
their linen was the whitest ; their potteries had acquired a 
reputation; and they had, moreover, been renowned for 
their loyalty, ever since they had defended Bolgheri against 
Frederick II. 's superior force, and had saved them from 
harm. 2 At the time of which we speak, there lived two 
youths, descendants of their old princes, the Manfreddi, of 
whom the elder, Astorre, aged fifteen years, was an angel 
in cleverness and beauty. Their sole ally was the winter ; 
but they made such good use of it that Cesar retired on 
the tenth day. In April, 1501, he came again. They 
killed 1,000 of his men to sixty citizens on their side ; 
1,400 they blew up in a bastion. 3 The Pope sometimes, 
out of ill-humour, did not go to chapel. But Cesar 
was not weakened by his losses, as the charitable offerings 
of piety were at his disposal; but they were ruined by 
their success. At last, utterly exhausted by three succes- 
sive attacks, they surrendered, after Cesar had guaranteed 
them safety, and liberty to their princes. 4 Since that time 
Cesar was called Duke of Eomagna, and up to this point 
Louis suffered his undertakings. But when he threatened 
Bologna, John Bentivoglio, under French protection, re- 
sisted hint, and escaped with a few fines. 5 When after 
this he made an irruption into the Florentine land, as 
though intending to restore the Medici, the King and his 
own father warned him to depart ; and he was obliged to 
•content himself with money and a " Condotta." 6 When 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 241. 

2 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae. 

3 Zurita, i. 209. 4 Diarium Ferrarense, 393, 395. 

5 Nardi, 70. 

6 Nardi. Nerli, v. 86. Macchiavelli, Discorsi, i. 38. 



OH. IV J POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 173" 

lie made a descent upon Appiano of Piombino, the King 
would not have been displeased had Genoa previously ac- 
quired the fine fresh- water harbour by purchase. But Cesar 
was too quick ; and having Elba and Pianosa, its Prince was 
obliged to relinquish to him Piombino, and take refuge in 
the Scrivia Valley, on the estate of a Spinola. 1 Even 
Alfonso of Ferrara was not strong enough to resist him, and 
was obliged to make terms, by marriage with this family. 

Cesar is like a wolf in the fold, that has made friends 
with the shepherd. His soldiers wore a sword belt from 
the right shoulder to the left thigh, representing a scaly 
snake, picked out in gold and colours, darting downwards 
with its seven heads. 2 But what symbol could express the 
damnation of a man who, during these struggles, came 
once to Rome, caused the St. Peter street to be closed, 
and six human beings brought out, and hunted with arrows, 
whilst he stood by and shot them until they died like 
hunted game ; 3 who promised Astorre his liberty, and 
then outraged this innocent boy, this noble blood, in an 
unnatural manner; and, still fearing him, at last caused 
him to be thrown with his brother into the Tiber, 4 a stone 
attached to his neck. 

God's judgment was over Italy. Destruction was 
abroad, and stalked from one palace to the other. Only 
the real Aragons, Federigo and his house, still survived ; 
but destruction was in their wake. At the first attack 
upon the Sforza, Alfonso da Bisceglia, Alexander's Aragon 
son-in-law, fled from Eome. If he had only not returned! 
But now, when crossing the square of St. Peter in broad 
daylight, 5 he was attacked by murderous bands, and, thrice 
wounded, was carried off to his house ; but, as he did not 
succumb at once to his wounds, Cesar employed his execu- 
tioner, Michelotto. to despatch him in bed. 6 Beatrice, 

1 Senarega Annales. 2 Baldi Guidubaldo, p. 216. 

3 Burcardus, 2121. 4 Nardi, iv. 71. Burcardus, 2138. 

5 Burcardus, 2123. 

6 Passero, 123 (note to 2nd edit.). Cf. Eomische Papste, vol. xxxvii. 
p. 33, and Paolo Capello's account in the appendix to 3rd vol.. No. 3. 
Peculiar are the ten Neapolitan accounts, from the reports which reached 
the Court of King Federigo, for instance, in Giacomo, who desci-ibes very 
exactly the wounds inflicted, p. 235 : " Una alabardata alia spalla, una. 
ferita dereto la testa et una stocchata in li fianchi." 



174 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

daughter of Ferrante the elder, and wife of King Wladis- 
law, was far away in Hungary. After losing a better 
husband, she had brought the crown to this one. But 
Wladislaw was long since tired of her. Alexander, who 
had always hitherto been prevented by some consideration 
or other, now pronounced his divorce from her. Anna of 
Candale, of the royal house of France, took her place. 1 In 
Federigo himself, the life of this dynasty was threatened. 
When Milan was for the first time conquered, the French 
volunteers boasted, "they were now in the midst of a 
hundred years' war without a day's peace; 2 they had still 
to war against the Turks, and to cross the Alps, but first 
of all to Naples." Federigo had sometimes attempted to 
negotiate, but he only found himself dallied with. In April, 
1501, the preparations were no longer a secret ; and, in 
May, Louis communicated his intention to the G-erman 
council of the realm, which had concluded a truce with 
him until the 1st of July, and had tied Maximilian's 
hands. 3 In June, the army advanced into the Florentine 
country ; and in Rome arbours were made for the men, 
and cribs for the horses, whilst a residence was prepared 
for the King. 4 Many thought then how closely Ferdinand 
was related to Federigo, and how the former, even in 
breach of his treaty, had come to the aid of Ferrantino, 
and saved him, and how G-onzal was in Messina ready for 
action. A long war — possibly a reversal of the whole of 
the French successes — might be expected. Federigo had 
asked G-onzal if he could depend upon him, and he 
answered : " my master is your friend." 

Yet it was not so. Ferrantino would scarcely have been 
so energetically supported had he not been married with 
Joana, Ferdinand's niece. For the old kinship, from the 
time of the first Alfonso, was hateful to him, as it had ousted 
his line from Naples. Federigo, also, had looked for a new 
alliance and had begged for Ferdinand's youngest daughter, 
or his niece Joana, for his son ; 5 but he refused the first 
proposal and for the second demanded an exorbitant dowry. 

1 Burcardus, 2116. Zurita, 180. Petrus M., epist. xi. 190. 

2 Burcardus. 

3 Altobosto's statement in Muller's Reichstags staat. 

4 Burcardus. 5 Passero, p. 120. Zurita. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 175 

He now began to think of his own claims. He had formerly 
negotiated with Charles VIII. npon the matter of compen- 
sation for his pretensions to Naples, in case Charles should 
invade it, to take the form either of Calabria, which should 
be detached from the kingdom, or of a partition of the whole 
of Italy between the French King, the G-erman, and him- 
self the Spanish King. 1 Charles was dead. Next, in the 
early commencement of Louis XII.' s reign he concluded a 
treaty with him, without, however, including Federigo. 2 

When then this King was making ready for his cam- 
paign, Mosen G-ralla, Ferdinand's ambassador, visited the 
Cardinal of Amboise, and said to him, as though only ex* 
pressing his own ideas : " how if you were to come to some 
arrangement with us respecting Naples, as you did with 
Venice regarding Milan ; " Amboise had always feared the 
Spanish pretensions, and so replied, " We two shall have to 
keep up the friendship between our kingdoms." 3 But 
(xralla had long since received his instructions from his 
master. On the 22nd Sej)tember, 1500, a real treaty was 
arrived at, in these terms ; " The territory of Naples to be 
divided into two halves ; one half, comprising the Abruzzi 
and Lavoro with the title of kingdom, to belong to Louis, 
the other, consisting of Apulia and Calabria, as a dukedom, 
to Ferdinand. A further arrangement especially respect- 
ing the Dogana to be come to after the conquest." 4 This 
treaty was still unknown when the French entered the 
Florentine territory. But on St. Peter's day, 1501, both 
envoys submitted it to the Pope, who at once enfeoffed both 
princes. 5 This was the first tidings that Federigo received 
of what was proceeding against him. Thereupon G-onzal 
sent him a message to the effect that : " he renounced his 
fief in Naples, for that he was obliged to renounce 6 the 
oath he had taken in respect of it." Grlad of heart 
was the Pope when he saw the French army, 2,000 horse 
and 12,000 infantry strong, with 42 guns, file past in the 
garden of the Castel St. Angelo on its way to the Neapo- 
litan frontier. 7 

1 Zurita, 132-138. Comines, end. 2 Zurita, f. 140. 

3 Zurita, f. 168. 4 Zurita, f. 192. 

5 Guicciardini, iv. 266. 6 Zurita, f. 212. 
7 Burcardus, 2131. 



176 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

When Federigo looked about him, he found nothing upon 
which he could rely. The east coast was in the hand of 
Venice, and the strongholds, by virtue of old treaties, in 
those of Spain. Should he trust in his barons, who would 
not even all be present at his coronation, 1 who outlawed 
in their respective territories all who adhered to him,, 
and whom he could only possibly have subjected with 
G-onzal's assistance. 2 The Colonna alone were faithful, 
but these alone were of no account, entrusting, as they did, 
their estates in the State of the Church to the cardinals. 
Their stewards were compelled to swear allegiance to the 
Pope, and an assembly of Koman citizens resolved to de- 
stroy their Marino. 3 Federigo' s sole hope lay in the cities,, 
and he had their walls repaired and hand-mills provided, 
whilst the peasants were driven in and located in barns. 4 

There is no spectacle more depressing than a country 
which allows itself to be subjected without drawing the 
sword. Gonzal was master of fifteen towns, without tran- 
sporting a single horse thither. After Capua had held 
out for a moment, thanks to German mercenaries, the 
Count of Polenta rode out, as though he wished to see how 
things stood with the enemy, and, whilst doing so, surren- 
dered a gate. 5 The city fell. Now Federigo lost all hope 
of being able to resist. The two great kings were his 
enemies, and on the march against him ; the Pope was 
leagued with them, and his vassals were in revolt. He now 
only thought of how he should be able to save himself and 
his family, and avoid his country being given up to the 
ravages of war. Before the gate of the Arsenal in Naples, 
the King assembled his citizens and nobles and addressed 
them : " since fate was driving him away, he released them 
from their oath." 6 He himself came to the following 
arrangement with the French : "if within six months he 
could not appear at the head of an army, he should retire 
to France upon estates which should be assigned him, and 
thither should bring also his treasures, his acquaintances 
and friends." 7 Hereupon he betook himself to Ischia. 
Thither came also Beatrice of Hungary, and Isabella of 

1 Zurita, f. 126. 2 Zurita, 130, 132. 

3 Burcardus, 2129. 4 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, p. 47. 

5 Arluni, i. 17. Zurita, 215. 6 Passero, p. 125. 7 Zurita, 218. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 177 

Milan, his whole family and the few that still remained 
faithful to him. He never again was able to show himself 
with an army in the field, and so remained in France. How 
different were his expectations and how different all anti- 
cipations thirty years previously, when, in the flower of 
youth and hoping for the hand of the daughter of Charles 
the Bold, he passed through Rome ! l He was neither 
king nor heir to the throne, but the cardinals strove 
together as to which should be the first to welcome him. 
In him the whole of the dynasty of the Aragons was ex- 
tinguished, as well as that of the Sforza ; both of which a 
short time previously had flourished before all others in 
Italy. If we inquire what they achieved, the answer is 
that it was owing to them that, almost for the first time in 
their history, the Italians remained for a while free from 
the influence of foreign nations. If Francis Sforza had 
not become Lord of Lombardy, the French would have 
been it : had Alfonso not given Naples to a spurious son, 
a Spanish viceroy had been already established there. It 
was due to this assertion of their independence, that the 
Italians, untrammelled by foreign influence, and in pro- 
gressive movement and rivalry within, were enabled within 
a somewhat limited sphere to develop their intellectual 
energies to a degree that the Germanic-Latin nations have 
ever regarded as the highest perfection of culture they ever 
attained. They acknowledge the fact that every new 
science and art traces its birth to this era. These two 
families had to separate, chiefly on account of two women ; 
the one called in the French, the other the Spaniards: 
after they had weakened each other, union availed them 
nothing. The two invoked friends joined hands, and 
destroyed both. They both sprang up together, flourished 
together, perished together. 

After this event, it was possible to journey under the 
French flag from the Pyrenees to Naples. The Spaniards 
advanced further at the foot of Italy. In order not to be 
completely ruined by this powerful enemy, Maximilian was 
obliged at Trent to promise the King of France the fief 
of Milan. 2 Three independent and pre-eminently active 

1 Jacob Volaterranus, Diarium Romanum, xxii. 95. 

2 Dumont, iv. 1, 16. 

N 



178 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

members of Christendom were now annihilated, and only- 
three large States still existed in Italy. That was the result 
of Charles VIII. 's movements. But we have deeply to 
regret it. We always regret it, whenever a peculiar exis- 
tence, one of G-od's own creations, perishes. But one con- 
sideration may tend to calm our feelings. 

Do we but remember that Otranto was once in the 
hand of the Turks, and that a certain Boccalin, on an- 
other occasion, ceded to them Osimo, that sometimes the 
kings and at others the barons of Naples summoned them 
to their aid; do we, moreover, reflect that their agents 
were well received at Pesaro in the Papal State, and that, 
on Lodovico Sforza's invitation, they made an incursion 
into Frioli ; do we remember how unanimous and powerful 
they always were or soon became, and how disunited 
and weak the Italians showed themselves, we cannot 
deny that B-onie might just as readily have fallen into 
their hands as Constantinople, and that the same fate 
which befell the Hungarians might easily have over- 
whelmed all Italy, and primarily Naples, to which the 
Turks already raised pretensions. But now more power- 
ful neighbours occupied the frontiers, and offered them 
resistance. 

The Turks themselves, and almost the whole Moham- 
medan world were involved in this war. 

Abuayazid, whom we know as Bajazeth, induced by 
the messages of Lodovico the Moor, considered that 
Louis XII. after conquering Italy would probably realize 
the other plans of his ancestors, that it was an insult 
to him that Venice forced the Turkish ships to salute 
theirs, and that now that he had remained five years 
quietly in Stambul, the day had at last arrived when he 
could take Inebecht, that is Lepanto. 1 Entertaining this 
idea, he gave Andrea Zancani, who entreated peace of him, 
only an Italian letter of compact, which he did not consider 
binding, and not a Turkish. 2 Whilst Andrea went joy- 
fully on his way home, thinking that "the Othman of 
the Othmanis, the Grand Turk, had assured him of all 

1 Leunclavii, Annales Turcorum, p. 35, Ejusdem Pandectse Historic 
Turcica?, p. 192. 

2 Bembus, Histor. Venetum, 91a, 92 a. 



CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 179 

good will," the latter equipped 270 ships for sea in the 
Hellespont, collected 250,000 horses in Adrianople, and 
despatched them in June, 1499, to pillage Zara.' 1 But in 
August they set out, he by land, and his fleet by sea, both 
bound for Lepanto. Antonio Grimani awaited the fleet at 
Sapienza. Antonio, from being a prosperous merchant, 
in whose hands earth appeared to turn into gold, had be- 
come supreme commander of the Venetian forces, and they 
believed they had in him an Alexander or a Caesar. 2 He 
had kept back in harbour a ship of pilgrims about to sail 
for Jerusalem for this holiest deed, namely, to do battle 
against the Infidel ; he had already issued his orders to 
the effect that : " he would, with G-od's assistance, attack 
the enemy," but when the Turks sailed out from Porto- 
lungo, and the Christians from Sapienza, both sides 
showed themselves but little inclined for the combat, 
and, after manoeuvring about, turned back. At length 
both sides became more resolute. The largest Turkish ship 
put out for action. Two other Christian ships had just 
made ready to engage her, when there came from Corfu 
that valiant hero Andrea Loredano and joined the fleet. 
The crew shouted their acclamations, and after having 
asked the general whither he wished him to go, embarked 
on one of the ships. They put out and -grappled the 
Turk. All three caught fire. Whilst the Turks hastened 
to rescue their men in boats, the Christians stood thunder- 
struck. Loredano made no attempt to escape, he said: 
" under this flag I was born, and under this flag will I 
die," and threw himself into the flames. The rest jumped 
into the water, and were taken prisoners. Thus was this 
battle lost. 3 G-rimani retreated ; the Turks came before 
Lepanto both by land and sea, and took it. 4 Two thousand 
others pillaged in Frioli, so that in Treviso, and even in 
Mestre, the inhabitants dared not to open their gates. Zan- 
cani who was sent against them dared not venture out of 
G-radisca. 5 

Zancani was banished; Grimani was exiled also. In 

1 Chronicon Venetum, 74. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, 125, 126. Jovius, Elogia, p. 300. 

3 Chronicon Venetum, 86, 96, 109. Petrus Justinianus, p. 354. 

4 Annales Turcici. 5 Bembus, 105, 106. 



180 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. I. 

the following year, Melchior Trevisano, G-rhnani's most 
bitter enemy, went against the Turks, but neither was he 
able to capture Cephalogna, nor relieve Modon, but Abua- 
yazid took Coron, Modon, 1 and Navarino. We must 
remark that at the same time the Moors of Granada rose 
against the kings of Spain. Ximenes, Archbishop of 
Toledo, had softened the hearts of some Alfaquins by 
gifts of silk dresses and red hats, and a Zegri by imprison- 
ment and presents, and then baptized them, as well as a 
large number of others from Albayzin. But when he had 
burnt upon a pile nearly five thousand of their books, all 
beautifully wrought in gold and silver and artistically de- 
corated, the people revolted, killed his servants, and 
scarcely spared him. The King came sorrowfully to the 
Queen : " their monk had undone all their conquest." 2 
Three days later, the Moors living in the city recollected 
themselves ; 3 in order to escape punishment they allowed 
pictures to be hung in their mosques and submitted to 
baptism. But the Moors of the mountains, who dwelt upon 
the impracticable peaks of the Alpuj arras and of the red, 
white, and snow-bound Sierra, could not be pacified. 

Two brothers, D' Aghilar by name, took the field against 
Moors and Turks. The elder, Alfonso, against the Moors, 
and he was slain. Since a great number would by no means 
become Christians, they retired to Africa, and every day 
their foists went backwards and forwards to transport them 
thither. 4 In order to hold the remainder in check, soldiers 
were left there. The younger brother, G-onzal, the great 
captain, went to the assistance of the Venetians, and his 
advent brought them good fortune. Abuayazid, who was 
lamed by gout, had returned to his palace to study the 
Averroes, and Trivisano had just returned from his pursuit, 
full of pride that within sight of Europe and Asia he had 
succeeded in hanging some of his enemies on the gallows. 5 
Gonzal combined forces with him in order to capture the 
castle of Cephalogna ; he sent in word to the Turkish com- 
mander G-isdar : " that it was the victors of Granada who 
were attacking him." The Turk answered, " Has not each of 

1 Petrus Martyr, xiii. 217. 2 Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 958-961. 

3 Zurita, 172. 4 Zurita, 202, 203. 

5 Zurita, 195. 






CH. IV.] POPE ALEXANDER VI. AND HIS SON. 181 

us seven bows and seven thousand arrows ? besides, the day 
of our death is from the first written on our brow," x and 
in the sense in which he spoke, he defended himself with his 
accustomed weapons. The Viscayans withstood ail his 
arrows, scaled his castle, and killed him. This done, G-onzal 
turned towards Sicily and Naples. But afterwards Portu- 
guese ships and even papal troops came and took part in the 
Turkish war. The French troops stormed Mitylene eigh- 
teen times. The Christians did not succeed further than 
to surprise Santa Maura, and even this they were obliged 
to restore as the price of the peace. What Venice had 
lost remained lost ; it had but little advantage from 
Cremona, and Lodovico comforted himself in his prison 
with the reflection that, at all events, one ally had not 
broken faith with him. 

1 Jovius, Vita Gonsalyi. 



BOOK II. 



INTEODUCTION. 

THE position of the Latin and Teutonic nations at this 
time may be briefly summarized as follows : — 

Italy had been visited by a great disaster ; it was not 
political unity, which the country had really never pos- 
sessed, that was imperilled, but that internal accord and 
that independence in dealing with foreign countries, which 
stood in its stead. These were lost and gone, and this 
result had been effected, not so much by Charles VIII. 's 
expedition, and its immediate consequences, as by the feud 
between Venice and Milan, and the Pope and Naples. The 
papal authority, which lorded it over Naples, was mainly 
instrumental to this end. 

Alexander VI. cannot aptly be compared with the Popes 
of the thirteenth century, who, when hard pressed by the 
enmity of the Hohenstaufens, appealed to the French for 
aid to rid themselves of them ; in his case, the marriage 
of his infamous son, an alliance supported by the one and 
opposed by the other side, was the motive for delivering 
Naples at once into the hands of the French and Spaniards. 
The after-consequences of this step swayed the destinies 
of Italy in the ensuing centuries. 

Of all princes of those days, Louis XII. was the most 
powerful. Of all the ordinances by which he guaranteed 
the French an appropriate constitution, and gained for 
himself in their esteem a place between St. Louis and 
Henry IV., the following is, perchance, the most charac- 
teristic : "A judicial post should never be venal : in the 
event of his commanding such a thing, the Chancellor 
should not seal it ; and, in the event of his having sealed 
it, neither Bailiff nor Seneschal should obey." Such was 



INTRODUCTION. 183 

the ordinance which by the King's unbiassed will placed 
law above arbitrariness. 1 In this way he kept his people 
well inclined towards him. Not merely his own subjects 
in Italy flocked to his Court, but the deputies of the 
several independent States in almost still greater numbers. 
Every day there arrived mounted couriers bearing letters, 
instructions, and money ; everyone was desirous of curry- 
ing favour with a member of the King's Council. No 
prince or city in Italy felt themselves secure without 
being first assured of French protection. Florence was 
itself powerful, yet was not in a better position than the 
rest. 2 In addition to politics, the daily occupations of 
Louis were hunting and hawking. With the month of May, 
the huntsmen made their appearance at the Court all 
dressed in green, and with horns and hounds. In Septem- 
ber, when the stag-hunt was over, the falconers appeared 
in their cocked hats, and took the place of the others. 3 
Louis followed them both, through field and through wood. 

His principal allies were Alexander VI., the kings of 
Denmark and Scotland, and certain German princes. 

Alexander had assigned the legation at the Court of 
France, the most important office the Pope had to bestow, 
to the Cardinal Georges d'Amboise for life ; and this was 
considered such an extraordinary act of favour, that the 
University of Paris opposed it. The neighbours and vassals 
who enjoyed Louis' protection, were taken likewise by the 
Pope under his. The Duke of Urbino allowed exiles and 
refugees free asylum and social intercourse at his Court ; 
Alexander had guaranteed him his nephew's succession. 
John Bentivoglio relied upon his new treaty with Cesar, 
founded ironworks in the mountains near to Bologna, and 
cut canals in the plain ; believing it was for his children. 

The Baglioni, Vitelli, and Orsini, were in Cesar's pay. 
Pandolfo Petrucci was the head of the Nove, and being, 
through the three privy councillors, chief of the whole 
municipality of Siena, became also, in the persons of these 
his friends, allied with the Pope. Ercole of Ferrara pro- 

1 Ordonnance of 1499.. Article 40 in Koderen, Memoire pour servir 
a Phistoire de Louis XII. Paris, 1822, p. 255. 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Francia, iii. 64, 66, 80. 

3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 19. 



184 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. 

ceeded to build palaces, to ride behind processions, and 
to live carelessly in theatrical pleasures ; his son was married 
in the Lent of 1502 to Lucrezia Borgia. Alexander re- 
mained the devoted friend of the King. 1 

James IV. of Scotland, who, since his marriage with the 
daughter of Henry VII., had forgotten his English wars, 
was building in Falkirk, celebrating tournaments at Stirling, 
and receiving constant visits from French knights. 2 Both 
expeditions of the King of Denmark were unsuccess- 
ful; that against the Ditmarshes, whom he, in league 
with France, had attacked against Maximilian's wish, at 
the time of the Milanese War, 3 failed, by reason of the 
enemy's bravery ; that against Sweden was completely 
foiled by Sten Sture, and in 1502 he was forced to rest. 
Several German princes maintained an open understanding 
with France ; since the treaty of Trent, they paused in 
their opposition to Maximilian. 

This combination was confronted by another, a genuine 
family union, formed by the house of the Catholic Kings', 
and cemented not only by league, but by blood-relationship. 
In the year 1497, all the children of Ferdinand the Catholic 
were together, with the exception of Juana. Juan, with 
his consort, Margaret, was destined for the Spanish throne; 
Isabella for the Portuguese, Catharine for the English, 
and Maria for some other throne, which was at present 
the object of negotiation. At the Court all was still ; all 
who desired to gain favour, went about with downcast 
eyes and modest paces ; the royal pair had prescribed the 
strictest ceremonial, extending even to the interchange of 
kisses on hand and mouth, between the ladies of the 
Court. 4 But here changes were taking place, which were 
of great import for the State then existent, and of the 
greatest for posterity. 

Just as all had begun to hope that the unity of Spain 
under a native sovereign had, in the person of Juan's son, 

1 Castiglione, Cortegiano. Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, vi. 223. Bur- 
sellis, Chronicon Bononiense, 912. Allegretti, Ephemerides Senenses, 
in Muratori, 23, p. 763. Diarium Ferrarense, 325, 358, 276. 

2 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum, lib. xiii. p. 468, ed. Francf. 1624. 

3 Geppardi, Hist, of Denmark and Norway, ii. 41. Note 2. 

4 Zurita, i. 118. Petrus Martyr, p. 99. Marineus Siculus, 567. 



INTRODUCTION. 185 

been now for ever established, Juan died. He had been 
the hope of the realm. A prince by birth, and a gracious 
and good prince, is a great blessing. But now black 
flags floated over the walls of the city, and for forty days 
all business ceased. All the inhabitants were dressed in 
black. If a grandee rode out, it was only his horses' eyes 
that were undraped. The child, too, of which Margaret 
was delivered after Juan's decease, died as soon as born. 1 

Hereupon Isabella, who had since become Queen of 
Portugal, returned with her husband, and after receiving 
at Toledo the allegiance of the Castilians, as successor to 
the throne, she came to Saragossa, in order to obtain it 
likewise from the refractory Aragons. The whole penin- 
sula would in course of time have thus become united ; 
but whilst at Saragossa Isabella also died, and her son 
Miguel shortly after her. 2 

Thus the succession devolved upon Juana, the consort 
of the Archduke Philip, and passed to the house of Haps- 
burg with all the greater certainty, since on St. Matthew's 
day, 1500, she gave birth at Ghent to a son, Charles. 
" The lot fell upon Matthew," said the old Queen of 
Castile, and rightly, for round the life of this child was 
centred the greatest combination our nations have for cen- 
turies known. In the year 1502, Philip and Juana were in 
Spain ; now received by the Commanders of Orders, so 
gorgeously attired that even their stirrups were of gold, 
and anon welcomed by that Biscayan nobility, who begged 
for a bounty in order to be able to celebrate high festival. 
And then the succession was assured them ; in Toledo by 
the prelates, grandees, and procurators of the cities of 
Castile ; in Saragossa, by the bishops, by the thirty-two 
Eicoshombros, and the deputies of the Cavalleros and 
Infanzones ; in Aragon by the Jurada of the city. 3 

Meanwhile, Catharine had gone to wed herself with Ar- 
thur, Prince of Wales ; Maria to marry with Manuel of Por- 
tugal, and Margaret, Juan's widow, with the Duke of Savoy. 4 

All these houses formed a natural union. The French 

1 Comines. Petrus Martyr, p. 100, 106. 

2 Osorius, de rebus gestis Emanuelis, i. 19. Zurita, 139. 

3 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici Palatini, lib. ii. Zurita, 
227. 4 Treaty in Dumont, iv. 1, 15. 



186 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. II. 

League and the family of the Spanish Kings, confronted 
each other face to face. Philip, at once vassal of France 
and heir to the throne of Spain, made a compact with 
Louis to the effect that their children, Charles and Claudia, 
who were both as yet in the cradle, should one day marry, 
and thus became the mediator between both parties. This 
induced Maximilian to abandon completely the interests of 
the Sforza, and, in October, 1501, to promise the King of 
France to invest him with the fief of Milan. Philip 
journeyed through France on his way to Spain, sat among 
the peers in the justice hall, came before the King, and 
readily comported himself as a vassal. Juana, on her 
part, gave Claudia a large diamond, in testimony of the new 
alliance. Philip also prepared to return through France. 1 
At this time our nations ruled over hardly a single 
foreigner, and were subjected to none. We find even the 
G-rand Master of Prussia now refusing allegiance to the 
King of Poland, and this action of his found the support 
of many German princes. Iwan Wasiljewitsch's attack upon 
Livonia in the year 1501 was repulsed by the general, 
Walter von Plettenberg, in two great battles ; peace for 
fifty years being thus secured. At this juncture a general 
campaign against the Turks, who were now engaged in 
war with Venice, would have been a feasible undertaking. 
Immediately after the treaty with Maximilian, and when 
Christendom was enjoying universal peace, Louis pro- 
claimed this crusade. 2 For this, both France and Italy, 
and upper and lower Germany, but especially the latter, 
had been prepared by a marvellous apparition of certain 
coloured crosses, which were said to have suddenly made 
their appearance everywhere, upon linen and wool, and 
upon dresses and all manner of cloths. Maximilian, in 
anticipation of this war, founded a special order of knight- 
hood. 3 But, as yet, Italian affairs, as well as those of the 
usurping powers, were not so firmly established as not to 
engender a fresh quarrel, a quarrel destined to become 
even yet more wide- spreading than the former. 

1 Pontus Heuterus, Rerum Austriac. libri. From the MS. of Lailaing, 
Philip's fellow traveller, p. 259. 2 Appendix to Monstrelet, 247. 

3 Joh. Francisci Pici Mirandulini Staurostichon. Carmen ad iMaxi- 
milianum. Apud Freheruin Rer. Germ. torn. ii. 



CHAPTER I. 

1. The War in Naples and Bomagna. 

IN Naples a fresh war broke out between the Spaniards 
and the French. The immediate canse was the treaty 
of partition, which they had concluded together. In this 
partition, Lavoro and the Abruzzi were guaranteed to the 
French, and Apulia and Calabria to the Spaniards, whilst 
four smaller provinces, the two Principati, Basilicata and 
Capitanata had not been expressly divided. Now, seeing 
that, according to the fundamental institutions of these 
countries, institutions inaugurated by the Emperor Fried- 
rich II., the Principati shared their court of justice with 
Lavoro, whilst the other two had one in common with 
Apulia, 1 a little good- will — especially now that the Dogana 
question had been settled between them — would have 
sufficed to settle this dispute also, had not there been 
other motives for quarrelling, notably, the internal fac- 
tiousness of the country. The Colonna, whose posses- 
sions lay in the French share, placed themselves under the 
protection of Spain, whilst several towns in Apulia raised 
the French banner. The Angio vines summoned the French 
to Calabria, whilst the Aragons called G-onzal to the 
Abruzzi. The self- same factions were already engaged in 
fighting for Manfredonia and Alramura. 2 It turned out, 
that, live in whatever division they might, the one party 
would only obey the French and the other only the 
Spaniards, whilst these powers were always ready to help 
them to gain the ascendency. The attitude of their re- 
spective armies was decisive for the issue. When, on one 

1 Lefcret, History of Italy, iii. 166. From Matthaeus Afflictus. 

2 Zurita, 231, 219. Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 230. 



188 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

occasion, the Spaniards had made an incursion as far as 
the springs of Troja, and a skirmish was the result, Ive 
d'Allegre sent a message to Mendoza, inquiring, " Whether 
this meant an open breach, and was intended to rouse 
them from their tranquillity ; if so, he was ready to give 
satisfaction." Mendoza replied, " We came to Italy, I and 
my army, not for peace, but for war. We would gladly 
engage, even without orders." And this was the feeling 
of the most. At this time the two commanders, G-onzal 
and Nemours, who had advanced close to each other, the 
first to Atella, and the latter to Melfi, often met at the 
high altar of a chapel dedicated to St. Antony, situate on 
the ridge of the Apennine chain which lay between them. 
But, in spite of all their orders to the contrary, the 
struggle broke out quite spontaneously. 1 

On the 12th July, 1502, when the Spaniards forcibly 
-entered Tripalda — alleging it was a widow's portion, belong- 
ing to Juana, the sister of their King — and when Aubigny 
set forth from Naples to recover it— holding it belonged 
to the French share — open war could no longer be avoided. 2 

G-onzal, who had under his orders but few of his 5,000 
men — for he had brought so many with him — was at once 
obliged to fall back. In his Apulia lay one of the four 
-castles, which were considered the strongest in the whole 
of Italy, 3 viz., Barletta, and thither he proceeded. The 
French pursued him. They forced Pedro Navarra to 
retire from Canossa, though with honours. 4 In August 
they took Quadrata and Bisceglia ; and by September they 
had all the Sanseverins of Bisignan, Bitonto, Melito, 
Capocho and Acquaviva di Conversano for them. Of the 
wrhole of Apulia they left the Spaniards nothing but Bari, 
Marietta, and some surrounding places. These districts 
also were attacked by the French, and first and foremost 
Barletta, " for the honour of their chivalry;" ° for Bari was 
being defended by a woman, Isabella, the widow of John 
Graleazzo. 

1 Zurita, 238, 240. 

2 Passero, Giornale Napolitano, 129. 

3 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italiae, p. 369. 

4 Petrus Martyr, 15, 140. 

5 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 235. Zurita. 



CH. I.] THE WAR IN NAPLES AND ROMAGNA. 18&' 

" We are still six miles away," wrote Nemours on the 
19th November, " and keep the enemy shut in ; the King 
shall see that we defend his rights staunchly, and that 
everything is going from good to better." * In December, 
Aubigny advanced to Calabria. He fell upon the Spaniards. 
— they being here also much too weak — at the very 
moment they were in the act of retreating across the 
Aspromonte and through the passes upon Ketromarina. 
They managed, however, to make good their escape ; but 
the whole of Calabria, with the exception of a few castles 
on the sea-board, was lost to them. They held their 
ground in G-erace and in the Motta. 

The rest of the Spanish possessions (like the plank of a 
ship fought for by drowning men) was the object of a 
chivalrous war, waged with good weapons. Here were the 
heroes whom Ariosto had seen when he began to sing of 
his Eiidigers and Rinaldos. In Calabria we meet with that 
Imbercourt to whom, whenever there was a battle to fight,. 
the heat of an Italian noontide seemed like the cool of 
morning, and with that Aubigny who, in order to ransom 
him, although he had been preferred before him, sacrificed 
even his silver plate. 2 Before Barletta were the discreet 
La Palice, to whom the enemy first gave the title of " Mar- 
shal," and Montoison, who, though bowed down by weight 
of years, was still, when on horseback, the falcon of the 
fray ; there, too, was Fontrailles, called the " Fearless," as 
well as many others of those who, if there was a battle to 
fight, and they happened to be on shipboard, contending 
with contrary winds, would land, and march one hundred 
leagues in three days. 3 Of their number was also that 
Bayard who, from the very hour when his mother came- 
down from the tower to give him her small purse at part- 
ing, and to commend to him four virtues — the fear of G-od, 
truth, an obliging and a generous disposition — had never 
neglected a single day to practise them. He always 
prayed, before leaving his chamber, and no one ever heard 
him praise himself. Once when he had captured 15,000 

1 Lettera del duca di Nemorsa a Ciamonte in Macchiavelli, Legazione- 
al duca Valentino, 222. 

2 Brantome and Gamier, from Anton's MS., 362. 

3 Brantome, 115, 116. Anton, Histoire de Louys XII., p. 159. 



190 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

ducats, and another, though he had no claim, demanded 
them of him, he first of all established his legal right ; 
this done, as soon as the money had been paid down, and 
his adversary remarked, " I should be happy for all the 
rest of my life if I only had the half of it," he replied, 
"Then I will give you just half;" and thereupon gave 
him the one half and his followers the other. " 0, my 
lord, my friend," cried the other, upon his knees, " no Alex- 
ander was ever so generous." l Bayard's life is as clear as 
crystal, his heart ready in every danger, and his soul mild 
and gentle. The Spaniards resemble the French ; but the 
resemblance is that between the Moorish and Christian 
knights of Ariosto. Among them was the small, thin 
Pedro Navarra, who had raised himself from a common 
soldier to the dignity of Count ; no rock was so hard that 
he could not mine it ; his mouth tightly closed, his nose 
pointed and severe ; a thick and pointed beard fell from 
his chin. 2 There, too, was Pedro de Paz, who, when 
mounted, could scarcely be seen above the head of his 
horse ; a squinting, withered, and deformed dwarf, yet the 
boldest heart in the world. He, accompanied only by 
his Moor, each with a torch, he himself with a naked 
sword in hand, ventured into the ill-famed grottoes of the 
G-aurus, in order to dig out hidden treasure ; for he recked 
ghosts as little as he did the enemy in the battle. 3 Their 
leader was G-onzal Fernandez Aghilar de Cordova, whose 
plumed crest had, in his first battle, been seen thick in the 
midst of the fray, now a real captain. He never interfered 
when Spaniards, who made disgraceful conditions, were 
slain by their fellows for degenerate conduct ; but that an 
enemy retiring under treaty should be robbed of a gold 
chain, this he never tolerated, and even himself pursued 
the robber even into the sea. He said, " I would rather tame 
lions than these Asturians ;" but yet he tamed them. 
His infantry consisted of those whom the Spanish soil 

1 Histoire du bon chevalier Bayard, commencement, 407, 113. Bran- 
tome. Pasquier, Recherches de la France, from the Histoire. 

2 Jovii Elogium Navarrse. Vita Alfonsi Estensis, 171. Fleuranges, 
Memoires, 84. 

3 Histoire de Bayard, 114. Passero, Giornale, 151. 



CH. I.] THE WAR IN NAPLES AND EOMAGNA. 191 

would no longer tolerate, on account of their crimes ; 
but lie made tliem all loyal to his King, ambitious, untiring 
in besieging and defending, and dauntless in the battle. 1 
He was the first to combine in a single corps Spanish, 
Italian, and German soldiers, an organization that proved 
irresistible for a century and a half. At the head of men 
like Ley va, Pescara, Alva, Farnese, and many other famous 
leaders, who for one hundred and fifty years hardly ever 
quitted the field with that army whose nucleus he had 
first formed, he may fairly be considered as being the great 
captain of all. 

These, now, and their comrades, fought, not merely for 
victory but, for the prize of strength, dexterity, and 
chivalrous bearing. Sometimes individuals would engage 
in a single-handed combat; they first knelt down and 
prayed to God, threw themselves flat upon the ground, 
and kissed it, and then appealed to the sword. 2 It 
might happen that the French would announce that on 
the morrow they would prove that their homines d'armes 
were superior to the Spanish; whereupon the Spaniards 
would come in like numbers to the appointed place, in 
order, as they said, to fight for their King's, their 
country's, and their own honour. 3 Or both sides, the one 
coming from Eubo and the other from Barletta, charged 
each other on horses with iron masks about their heads, 
and plates on their breasts and shoulders, and struggled 
together until one side was exhausted and gave way. Or 
they would have recourse to stratagem in order to gain the 
advantage ; the French, for instance, would fly, but only 
to the ambush which they had laid, whereupon the 
Spaniards on their part would retire also, but only behind 
their ambush, so that the French were again compelled to 
fall back, yet not unwillingly, for they had still a third 
ambush in reserve, and this was their last, enabling them 
to remain the victors. 4 In this chivalrous rivalry the 
Italians also joined. In Barletta, which Gonzal defended 

1 Jovii, Vita Gonsalvi, 206 ; further Castiglione, Cortegiano, iii. 287. 

2 Histoire de Bayard, 103. 

3 Zurita, 249. 

4 Ferronus, Rerum Gallicarum, lib. iii. p. 59. 



192 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

against the besiegers with his Spaniards and Italians, a 
French prisoner once observed to a Spaniard, that the 
Italians were cowards by nature, and their allegiance but 
empty air. "Were ye not there, we should extinguish 
them as water extinguishes fire." l This roused the 
Italians to challenge the French to a duel of thirteen to 
thirteen on the plain lying between Andria and Barletta. 
This duel took place on the 13th February. The Italian 
historians and poets have graphically described it ; how 
that both sides confronted each other like two high forests, 
between which flowed a small brook, and how that the 
French attacked the others in vain — for Ferramosca re- 
strained the ardour of his Italians — and how that the 
latter at length made their onslaught, like a subterranean 
mine, that seethes internally until at length it bursts its 
bonds and sends rock and castle into the air, 2 and con- 
quered, driving twelve before them, and taking them 
prisoners (the thirteenth was slain) ; whereupon they 
were received with the ringing of bells and salvos of 
artillery, and with the cry of Italia and Hispania. 3 

Thus was the war protracted from June, 1502, until 
February, 1503. The Spanish were at a disadvantage, but 
they held their ground. During precisely the same months,. 
Alexander also warred in the E-omagna in the self- same 
cause, yet in how different a manner and degree ! He well 
knew that the King, if not requiring his help, needed at 
all events his sanction, and he knew how to gain both 
sanction and help. 

Cesar renewed his campaign in the Romagna with insa- 
tiable greed, duplicity, and violence. In June, 1502, he 
planned an expedition against the Yarani of Camerino, and 
borrowed for this purpose G-uidubaldo of Urbino's artil- 
lery. G-uidubaldo had, besides, made him a present of 
a few thousand men and a horse splendidly caparisoned. 
Cesar, in return, saluted him as the best brother he had in 
Italy, yet he did not long rejoice in this name, for this 

1 Passero, 133. Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi. 

2 Marie Hieronymi Vitse, 13. Pugilum certamen, Milano, 1818, vs. 
316 and 390. 

3 Jovius. Guicciardini. Sabellicus. Carpesanus, 1250. Brantome,, 
106, wrong. 



CH. I.] THE WAR IN NAPLES AND ROMAG-NA. 193 

expedition was primarily directed against him. On the 
20th of June he was sitting at supper in the shady vale of 
Zoccolanti, when at sunset a messenger appeared and an- 
nounced that "Cesar's cavalry was advancing upon his city 
Fossombrone." 1 He struck on the table and sprang up ; 
he felt he was deceived. At that instant other messengers 
arrived with the news that : "the enemy had been seen in 
the vicinity of Marino and San Leo, and that Cesar himself 
was advancing upon Cagli." G-uidubuldo saw that he was 
defenceless, and caught in a net. He assembled the citi- 
zens of Urbino and addressed them. "A year has 365 
days, and a day twenty-four hours. Of these days one, 
and of these hours one will be auspicious for my return." 
Thereupon he took flight. On the mountain roads on 
which he sped, hired peasants shouted after him the mur- 
derers' war-cry of " Carne Ammazza." Soon he heard 
bells ringing, the firing of shots, and the crackling of fire 
all around, intended to rouse the whole country to find 
him. On one occasion he was only saved by a girl, who 
was coming from market and gave him some information ; 
but yet he succeeded at last in eluding the enemy. 2 His 
country, his city, and his library, in which he frequently 
studied with his tutor Odasio, fell into Cesar's hands. 

In July Cesar also took Camerino. Old Julius Yarano, 
who has been compared to Priam, because he only saved 
one son in a foreign country, he allured with all his other 
sons by specious promises, and then caused them all to be 
strangled. 3 In August he allied himself afresh with 
Louis XII. ; which done, in order both to make Bologna 
the capital of his duchy, as also to give his father the 
glory of having in his day conquered a city, that no former 
Pope had been able to conquer, 4 he turned against the 
Bentivogli. 

For these ends he made use of the Baglioni of Perugia, 
the Yitelli in Citta di Castello, of Oliverotto da Fermo, 

1 Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, duca d'Urbino VI., 234. ]S"ardi,Istorie 
Florentine, iv. 78. Burcardus, 2138. Raphael Volaterranus, Vita 
Alexandra, 166. 

2 Lettera del duca Guidubaldo, in Leoni, Vita di Francesca Maria, 
p. 15-21, in documentary form in Baldi's excerpts. 

3 Baldi, Vita, 253. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legazione al duca Valentino, 200. 

O 



194 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

and of all the Orsini. All these were warriors by inclina- 
tion and profession. Of the first named, it was said that 
they were born with the sword at their side ; the second 
had been the first to introduce Swiss arms into Italy. 
They pursued each their own aims and ends, as, for in- 
stance, Oliverotto, who, by murdering seven leading citizens 
of Fermo, who were related to him and had brought him 
up, made himself master of the city. Thus acted the 
others also, who were desirous of restoring the Medici to 
Florence. Cesar indulged them in this. 1 But now that 
he had allied himself with the King, and had begun to 
oppose their enterprises and to attack the Bentivogli, 
whose case was almost like theirs, they were filled with 
apprehension that, " the ruin of all the lords in the State 
of the Church had been resolved on." They thereupon 
sent envoys and assembled. They entered into a close 
alliance with Petrucci and Bentivoglio, and at last in Ma- 
gione decided to make war upon Cesar. 2 

They resolved the war, and the Urbinati commenced 
it. The signal for its outbreak was given on the 5th 
October by a carpenter, who let a beam, which he was 
instructed to convey to the castle of San Leo, fall upon 
the drawbridge there. 3 Thereupon, in an instant, armed 
men rushed across the bridge and took the castle. Thence 
the cry of " Feltre and Duke " spread through the whole 
duchy, and stirred it up in revolt. In the city the 
peasants, who had come to market, first seized the cannon, 
and then gained the castle. G-uidubaldo returned, and 
even those who only saw him lying on a bed — for he was 
at that time suffering from his malady, the gout — went 
away satisfied. Camerino summoned the last of the 
Yarani. 4 

But what could have been the reason that the allies of 
Magione, menaced as they were and warlike as they were, 
did not attack Cesar, who was all defenceless at Imola ? 

1 Leander Alberti, Descriptio, 125. Maccbiavelli, Principe, 8. 
Nardi, 81. 

2 Macchiarelli, descrizione del modo tenuto dal duca Valentino nelP 
Ammazzare Vitellozzo Vitelli, etc., 92. Nardi, 83. 

3 Cesar's own story in Maccbiavelli, Legazione, p. 130. 

4 Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, vii. 7 f. 



CH. I.] THE WAR IN NAPLES AND ROMAGNA. 195 

They did not wish, to destroy him ; they only were for 
showing him how indispensable they were to him. Cesar 
knew that full well. " They wished to secure themselves, 
and nothing farther," said he. He sent and asked them 
why they had deserted him, urging that only the title be- 
longed to him, and that theirs was the possession of all his 
conquests, both those of the past and those to come : " he 
sent them a blank sheet of paper with his signature, and 
only waited for their conditions." And now that Alexander 
had remarked to Cardinal Orsino that he would perhaps 
resign his papal chair in his favour, they believed that they 
had attained what they wished. The Cardinal smiled and 
said : " The Pope needs me, we are always good friends." l 
On the 25th October, Paolo Orsino went to Cesar about the 
matter of the treaty. Cesar now said : " They are ogling 
me ; I will abide my time." 2 

In Imola he received not only the assurances of King 
Louis, the proposals of the Florentine Popolares, and money 
from his father, but in June he gathered round him 230 
Prench lancers, 2,500 soldiers, half French and half Ger- 
man, 2,500 Italian soldiers, a Bolognian refugee with 
mounted riflemen, and some Albanians ; all in his pay. 
Meanwhile, Paolo journeyed with the draft of the peace 
proposed from Imola to Perugia, and thence to Magione 
and the camps of his friends, and minded no trouble, con- 
vincing one after the other, and although Yitellozzo Vitelli 
remained a long time obdurate, he also was at last over- 
persuaded, and signed it. 3 

On the 2nd December the following treaty was agreed 
to : " Cesar to receive back Camerino and TJrbino, but to 
give a pledge to the Bentivogli by arranging a matrimonial 
alliance between their respective houses, and to use the old 
weapons again." 4 Hereupon Cesar ordered the barons to 
take the field against the revolted districts and against 
Sinigaglia ; he himself remained with his army at Imola. 
He only gave audience to very few, and only then to those 
from whom he expected to hear important news ; he only 

1 Burcardi, Diarium, 2142! 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 161. 

3 Macchiavelli. Legazione, 145, 156, 174, 183. Del modo Tenuto, 94. 

4 Zurita, 261. 



196 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II, 

admitted three or four servants to his presence, and never 
left a certain chamber before nightfall. 1 It was never 
possible to learn from him what his purposes were ; but 
his confidantes said, " We have been wounded with daggers 
and we are now to be healed with words : Even children 
would laugh at such terms." 2 

The treaty with the Orsini restored forthwith to Cesar 
both Camerino and TJrbino, but only under the condition 
that the people and G-uidubaldo's private possessions 
should be protected. Sinigaglia was next prevailed upon 
by four heads of the Orsini, namely, Paolo, Vitellozzo, 
Oliverotto, and the Duke of Oravina, to promise to sur- 
render its castle, but only to Cesar himself. 

The time he had longed for had at length arrived. On 
the 31st December, 1502, he advanced with his army upon 
Sinigaglia. Vitellozzo was not for awaiting his coming : 
but as the others trusted Cesar, and Paolo coaxed him to 
remain, he did not care to break the league. Unarmed, 
and attired in his citizen's cap with its green lining, he 
mounted his mule and rode forth to meet him. Their 
troops were quartered in the outlying villages, with the- 
exception of Oliverotto' s companies ; and these latter dis- 
persed at Cesar's request, "for fear they might otherwise- 
quarrel .with his troops about their quarters." The four 
chiefs escorted him to the lodging prepared for his recep- 
tion. He would not part from them, " as he had something: 
to say to them." Full of apprehension — but they could 
no longer refuse — they entered his apartments with him. 
Now he had them in his clutches. 3 His principles were : 
"He who does not avenge himself, deserves to be in- 
sulted." He said, it is right to deceive those who are- 
experts in all treachery and treason. 4 He had always con- 
spired not merely against lands, but against the head of 
their sovereign lord as well. When the door was closed 
behind them, Michelott, the privy executor of all Cesar's. 
murders, stepped forward with a few armed men. Eack 

1 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 250 f. 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione, Celt., 23, p. 215. 

3 Macchiavelli, del inodo tenuto nelP Ammazzar, 95,. 36. Nardi, 85, 
Guicciardini, Book v. 290. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 266, 268. 



<3H. I.] THE WAR IN NAPLES AND ROMAONA. 197 

■of them was addressed with, " Sir, your are a prisoner," 
And forthwith they were thrown into prison. Their troops 
were surprised and slain. Cesar, talkative and vivacious 
once more, rode through the streets. 

The work begun by the son was continued by the father. 
He invited the Cardinal Orsino to him, as if to narrate to 
him the story of the fall of Sinigaglia ; but on the Cardinal 
looking down into the courtyard from the room into which 
he had been shown, he saw his mule being unsaddled and 
led off into the papal stables. He and all his friends with 
him were captives also. 1 

And now for murder and conquest, and the final accom- 
plishment of these schemes and undertakings. Oliverotto 
and Vitellozzo, bound back to back, the former accusing 
the latter — it was the anniversary of the death of the 
Seven of Fernio, — and the latter praying for the spiritual 
blessing of the same Pope who had condemned him to 
die, were, on the first night of their captivity, strangled with 
one rope; the other two suffered shortly after. The 
Cardinal's mistress, in male attire, brought the Pope a 
valuable pearl, his mother sent a sum of money, and the 
Cardinal promised a still more considerable sum. But all 
these endeavours could only attain a momentary alleviation 
of his lot. His life could not be saved. When he died, all 
the world was convinced that he had been poisoned by 
order of the Pope. Their houses in Rome were pulled 
down ; and an Orsina of eighty years of age was compelled 
to seek shelter under a public archway. Almost all their 
castles, the cities of Perugia and Citta di Castello, as well 
as many towns, fell into the hands of the Pope. Cesar 
compelled the Sienese to expel Petrucci. 2 Never in history 
had the State of the Church known a Pope so powerful as 
Alexander. Both factions of barons had been exj>elled, if 
not utterly annihilated ; there was now not a lord in the 
land, save his son and his son's family — for the Bentivogli 
and the Esti had been received into it — Siena was con- 
quered, Florence friendly, all successfully accomplished. 

It was primarily the name and assistance of France 

1 Burcardus, 2148. 

2 Macchiavelli, in both passages. Burcardus, 2150. Cai-pesanus, 
Historic, p. 1248. 



198 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

that achieved this result. When Cesar was in peril, Lonis 
said : " Whoever helped Csesar he would love the more the 
quicker he did it • he would give the Pope and his son the 
whole of the State of the Church." 1 As the Orsiniwere in 
negotiation with the Spaniards, 2 their destruction re- 
dounded likewise to Louis' advantage. It was expected 
that Cesar's troops would come to the aid of the French in 
Naples. 



The Decision in Naples. 

In February, 1503, G-onzal, now shut up in Barletta, 
appeared to be in a sorry plight. Neither the G-erman nor 
yet the Spanish troops, for which he had written, made 
their appearance. The transport of supplies . was im- 
possible so long as the French galleys under Prejean held 
the sea ; and yet troops and supplies were both urgently 
needed. 3 

A change for the better began when, before the very 
eyes of the Venetians, some Spanish sloops and galleys 
succeeded in becoming master of so much extent of coast, 
that Prejean hurriedly threw his guns overboard, set free 
his slaves, forsook his ships, and escaped by land. Six 
days later, Gonzal dared once more leave Barletta. 
Whilst Nemours was gone to subdue a revolted town, he 
himself succeeded, after storming for seven hours, in 
reducing Rubo, and taking many brave men prisoners, and 
among them Palice. His courage increased, but as yet 
he was much too weak to make an attack in full force. 
But lack of provisions impelled him to risk it, and he 
was preparing to try his luck in a sortie on the following 
ing day, when a Venetian ship laden with wheat, and im- 
mediately afterwards a Sicilian corn ship, put into harbour. 
Three others brought 7,000 tumbanos of corn with them. 4 
He was thus enabled to wait for reinforcements. On 
the 8th March, the Spaniards arrived at Reggio 5 with 

1 From Louis' letters in Macchiavelli, Legaz., 156. 

2 Zurita, 261. 

3 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, in Muratori, xxii. p. 50. 

4 Zurita, 266, 267. Jovius, 245. 5 Zurita, 256. 



CH. I.] THE DECISION IN NAPLES. 199 

3,000 Catalonian, Galician, and Asturian infantry, and 
300 heavy and 400 light cavalry. On the 10th April, the 
2,500 Germans — the contingent Maximilian had promised, 1 
and Joan Manuel had paid— at length arrived in Man- 
fredonia, under the command of Hans von Eavenstein. 
Now the Spaniards were equal, if not superior, to the 
French in numbers. They were in a position to carry on 
the war in earnest. Serious encounters had already taken 
place in Calabria. Near Terranuova, the Spaniards from 
G-erace and Eeggio were collected under the joint com- 
mand of Andrada Caravajal, Benavides, and Antonio 
Leyva. In the plain below, but across the river which 
intersects it, Aubigny showed himself, and sent his herald 
Ferracut up into the Spanish camp : " They should come 
down into the valley where he had once vanquished the 
bravest king." The Spaniards gave the herald a silver 
dish and a golden goblet, replying : " They would come." 
They then came down, and, the infantry covered by 
the cavalry, crossed the stream in the plain. At this 
moment Aubigny attacked Benavides. 2 In Ubeda and 
Baeza the lion of the Benavides and the black standard of 
the Caravajals had often met in conflict. 3 But now Cara- 
vajal forgot the old feud, and with his Ginetse made an 
onslaught upon Aubigny' s rear. The French were de- 
feated. Aubigny, surrounded by his body guard of Scots, 
escaped to Gioia. 

This took place on the 20th April. On the 27th of the 
same month Gonzal left Barletta with all his forces also 
to do battle. 4 The French, stationed at Canossa, saw him 
depart and likewise set out, but neither side very willingly. 
Gonzal had received provisions, but no money ; he scarcely 
succeeded in quieting his Spaniards with promises of rich 
booty and with the small sum of six carlins 5 for nine 
months' pay. The French had received express orders 
from their king to finish the business forthwith, otherwise 

1 Vide also Viti Prioris Eberspergensis Chronica Bavarorum, in CEfele, 
ii. 739. 

2 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 251. Zurita, 278. 

3 Molina, Nobleza del Andaluzia, Sevilla, 1518, fol. 217 and 222. 
A Petrus Martyr, 16, 147. 

5 Zurita, f. 330. 



200 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

lie would summon them home again to their wives, and 
send other Hommes d'Armes in their stead. 

Here stretched away the treeless plain of Apulia, and the 
month of April always scorches there. Of G-onzal it is 
told how his G-ermans in early morning licked the dew- 
drops from the high fennel stalks, and for very thirst fell 
down exhausted at noon ; how he refreshed them with 
the last drain of Ofanto water the bottles contained ; and 
how at last he let the most weary mount behind the 
horsemen. Nemours will have had to contend with no 
lesser difficulties on his march. Yet, after ten months of 
weary waiting, the satisfaction of at length finding them- 
selves face to face with the enemy enabled them to endure 
their hardships, and, on the 28th April towards evening, 
both arrived in extreme exhaustion before Cerignola. The 
Spaniards, who were the first to arrive, threw up light 
entrenchments in a vineyard. 1 But as soon as the French 
came up, and both armies saw each other, they forgot 
exhaustion and thirst — the soul conceals within it secret 
wells of ever revigorating refreshment — and the armies pre- 
pared for battle. On either side, the infantry was in the 
centre, and the cavalry on the flanks. Nemours was by 
no means inclined to risk the attack ; but was compelled 
to it by the pressure of Ive d'Allegre and the other 
captains. In order to show, as he said, who he was, 
he dashed at the trench behind which the G-ermans were 
posted. He came up to it, wheeled about, came up to 
it again and cried, "We must over this blunt wall." 
Whilst dashing at it in full career, a German gun laid 
him low, 2 and his comrades, who met with an equally 
hot reception, began to retire. Further to the left, the 
Swiss attacked, though somewhat later ; but as soon as 
they perceived their commander, recognizable in his white 
plume, and at the same moment many others also, laid 
low by the Galician bullets and javelins, they likewise 
turned and fled. Allegre, who led the left wing and 
was furthest in the rear, dared not then attempt aught 
further. The Spaniards were left victors on the field, and 
passed the night in the French bivouac. Nothing further 

1 Jovius, Vita Gonsalvi, 254. 

2 Ferronus, Eerum Gallic, vol. iii. p. 66. 



•CH. I.] THE DECISION IN NAPLES. 201 

was now needed to give the Spaniards the upper hand in 
this kingdom, rent and torn as it was by factions. The 
understandings which G-onzal had maintained from the 
Abruzzian Mountains as far as Castel a Mar awoke to 
life and energy. On a single day he took thirty castles, 
and on the 13th May with the cry of " Spagna/' " Spagna," 
the Count of Tramontano opened to him the gates of 
Naples. Inigo Davalos brought the keys of the castle of 
Ischia. E,occa G-uilielma, that since Charles VIII.' s ex- 
pedition had held for the French, fell in June. Mean- 
while, Andrada took stronghold after stronghold in Cala- 
bria, and at length Aubigny himself surrendered to him. 
With the exception of Gaeta, whither the French army 
had fled, almost the whole kingdom was now in the hands 
of the Spaniards. At the end of July Navarra went to 
that stronghold, in order to try the same means as had 
opened to him the fortress of Naples. 1 

We shall now consider the great change which was 
brought about by the death of Alexander VI., which took 
place in August of this year. During the agitation for the 
election of his successor, French and Spaniards fought 
together. In Rome, even the troops were on one occa- 
sion arrayed against each other. This event, however, exer- 
cised no immediate influence upon the war in Naples. The 
decision there depended solely upon the superiority of 
arms. 

In October, 1503, a fresh French army, under the Mar- 
quis Gonzaga, made its appearance on the G-ariglian, in 
order to invade the lost provinces. The Spaniards were 
resolved to prevent their crossing the river. Accordingly, 
both armies marched backwards and forwards for a while, 
intently observing each other, until Gonzal threw a bridge 
across at Sessa, and, under cover of his guns, which 
mounted on barks swept the river, actually succeeded in 
gaining the opposite bank. As soon as he had crossed, a 
battle began, in which G-onzal fought on foot, and a 
Spanish ensign who had lost his right arm exclaimed : 
" Have I not still the left ? " and again seized the standard. 
In this encounter the French held the bridge and 

1 Passero, Giornale, 138. Jovius, 258. Zurita, 291. 



202 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

the head of the bridge, but they never advanced a step 
further. 1 

But the opposing armies were not kept apart so much 
by the river, although it actually separated their camps, as 
by the bog on either bank — for the season was very wet, and 
the country as far as Montdragon almost one great 
morass. Some of the Spaniards kept the outer lines of 
the trench they had dug ; the rest were encamped under 
oaken huts. 2 The French endeavoured to find shelter 
in the neighbouring villages, at all events for their horses ; 
the Swiss companies lay alternately in the camp and in the 
same villages. Both armies were in need of provisions, 
money, and clothes. 3 This depressing state of things re- 
sulted in the very reverse of the merry war before Bar- 
letta. Words of abuse were heard more than ring of 
arms. The Spaniards were abused for their stealing and 
hanging proclivities ; the French were called drunkards ; 
the Swiss were called cattle- vultures, and the Ger- 
mans " Schmocher ; " whilst the Italians were called 
" Bougres." 4 

The question was, which of the two would hold out the 
longer. GJ-onzaga hearing himself called " Bougre " by his 
own French, and all disaster attributed to him, would 
no longer tolerate this want of discipline, and so drew up 
an account of his operations, and after having it signed by 
his captains, left the army. Gronzal, on the other hand, 
who was beset by his bravest officers, stating that they 
could and would not endure this state of affairs any 
longer, replied : " Rather a step forward to encounter 
death, than one back to victory," and so held out." 5 

At length the enemy crossed over and attacked. On the 
29th December, 1503, G-onzal made an onslaught upon the 
French bridge, and a simultaneous attack upon their camp 
with his main army, which, with Alvian's assistance, he 
had been enabled to bring across the river. This battle 

1 Jorii Gonsalvus, 263. Petrus Martyr, 261. Zurita, 313 f. 
Passero, 141. 

2 Macchiavelli, Legaz. a. c. d. R., 316, 342, 382. 

3 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 52. 

4 Zurita. 

5 Ferronus, Rerum Gallic, vol. iii. pp. 70, 71. 



CH. I.] THE DECISION IN NAPLES. 203 

decided the fate of the kingdom. Bayard fought like a 
hero, but all in vain ; the French disorganization was too 
great, and the onslaught of the Spaniards overwhelming. 
G-onzal was victorious on both banks. In G-aeta, too, 
whither the French had fled, the Spanish standard was 
flying on the 3rd January, 1504. The French were 
obliged to retreat homewards ; many by sea — the ships 
set sail as soon as they were filled, none waited for the 
other — the rest by land ; the latter said to G-onzal : " Give 
us strong horses to bring us back again." x 

Yet this favour was not to be theirs so readily. The 
superiority of the Spaniards was due to their greater 
proximity, owing to the possession of Sicily, between 
which and Naples subsisted an old natural alliance, as 
well as to the prudent and cautious treatment of the fac- 
tions opposing one another in the south of Italy; for 
this was G-onzal' s peculiar merit, that of controlling diffe- 
rent factions and nations by the exercise of his ascendency, 
as might be seen in the manner in which he succeeded in 
uniting Colonni and Orsini in one and the same camp. 
He did not spare his enemy. The remainder of the Anjou 
army was vanquished in the Abruzzian mountains, and in 
Otranto by Morgan and Pedro de Paz ; the Marquisates 
of Bitonto and Salerno were seized, and many barons 
dispossessed. 2 G-onzal rewarded his captains and those of 
the Orsini clan amongst them, with the estates of those 
thus expelled, and ruled the kingdom entirely in the spirit 
of the Aragon party. 

At the same time, the French and Spanish forces were 
opposing each other, not only on the Neapolitan frontier, 
but also on the borders of Eoussillon. 3 Here Ferdinand, 
in person, protected those garrisons, that wrote to him 
saying : " they were ready to die, only he should see that 
he did not lose many brave men," as well as the frontiers 
of his own empire. On showing himself on French soil 
with 20,000 infantry and 8,000 lances, he obtained in 
November a truce for Eoussillon. 4 

1 Sabellicus, Euneades, 12, 2. Bayard, Guicciardini, 330. Jovii 
Gonsalvus, 267. Zurita, 315-317. 

2 Treaty in Dumont, iv. 1, 52. Zurita, 321. 

3 Appendix to Monstrelet, 236. 4 Petrus Martyr, Epistolae, 151, 2, 



204 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

In the February follow 
also extended to Naples 
tained the greatest hopes. 



In the February following their reverse, this truce was 
also extended to Naples, where the French still enter- 



A Change in the Papacy. 

The former good understanding between the French and 
the Pope did not long endure. The French complained 
that he had appropriated the purchases of supplies made 
by their commissioners in the State of the Church, 1 and con- 
sequently, that their troops had been compelled to fight at 
an inconvenient season ; that he had despatched troops to 
Aquiia, but only for the purpose of seizing it for himself ; 
and, finally, that he had taken good care that Cesar's 
army should not support the French. 2 If we inquire 
what it was that could have estranged him from the 
French alliance, to which he owed all his successes, we find 
the reason in the state of affairs in Tuscany. Cesar had 
twice threatened to attack Florence, and on each occasion 
Louis XII. had dissuaded him. Louis had granted all 
that he was capable of granting. His most faithful allies, 
the Popolares at Florence, could not possibly be sacrificed 
to the Borgia. But this very city of Florence, on the 
other hand, Ferdinand the Catholic was ready to leave to 
the Pope. He had long since proposed to the G-erman 
King to make Cesar King of Tuscany. 3 Here we can per- 
ceive how great the prestige of this Pope was. The King 
of France was desirous of making his son lord of the Mark 
and of Eomagna, whilst the King of Spain was even for 
making him King of Tuscany. For the struggle between 
the two princes it was of vital moment to which side the 
Pope would incline. Hitherto he had been regarded as 
a supporter of the French. But now, when a French 
envoy could be attacked and almost slain in the streets of 
Bonie, now that envoys from Pisa, who had long since 
offered their city to Cesar, and enemies of the Florentines 

1 Gamier, 399. From Anton's MS. compared with Monstrelet and 
•Gilles. Chroniques de France, 121. 

2 Carpesanus, 1254. 3 Zurita. 



CH. I.] A CHANGE IN THE PAPACY. 205 

had the entree of the Court, and now that the Pope most 
energetically opposed the union of Florence and Siena, 
which Louis XII. exerted himself to compass by the resto- 
ration of Petrucci, 1 it was palpable that the Poj)e was 
abandoning the French cause, in order primarily to con- 
quer Pisa, Siena, and Florence. When Francis Trocces, the 
favourite of the Pope and his privy chamberlain, at- 
tempted flight, and was seized and put to death the same 
night, this act was ascribed to the suspicion that Trocces 
communicated to the French the plot that was being 
hatched against them. 2 We have it from the most unim- 
peachable source, that in March, 1503, Alexander proposed 
to the Catholic King to enter into a league with Venice in 
order to expel the French from Italy. 3 

Thus the whole success of his campaign in Eomagna 
would have been turned against Louis, and a league 
formed against him, like as against Charles VIII. In 
the same way as when in league with the French Alexander 
had conquered the State of the Church, would he now, 
deserting his former allies, have conquered Tuscany in 
league with the Spaniards. He would have become master 
of central Italy, and a powerful arbiter between the great 
powers. 

Everything bearing on these undertakings had been well 
weighed and considered, save and except one thing, and 
this occurred. Alexander died, and Cesar at the same 
time fell dangerously ill. 4 

Alexander also had been ill for a few days previously to 
his decease, but little more was known in the palace about 
his state of health than that he was ill of a fever. But, 
after his death, which took place on the 17th August, the 
sight of his corpse, with the face black as coal, and the 
tongue so swollen that the mouth would not close, a sight 
more ghastly than had ever been observed in other dead 
bodies, gave rise to sinister reports. 5 It was said that the 

1 Cardinal Soderini in Macehiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma iv. 
Titzio in debret a. p. a, 544. 

2 Carpesanus, 1255. Biagio Buonaccorsi, Diar. Fiorent. r 78. 

3 Zurita, f. 270. 

4 Macehiavelli, Principe, c. 7. 

5 Burcardus in Brequigny, Extraits et Notices, 66, 67. 



206 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Pope one evening went to a banquet in the vineyard be- 
longing to the Cardinal Adrian of Corneto, at which he 
intended to poison several rich cardinals ; being thirsty, he 
called for wine to drink and by mistake drank of the wine 
which Cesar had told his servant was the best, but which 
had been really poisoned for the purpose of murdering the 
guests. Cesar also partook of the wine, and both he and 
his father were carried off half dead. Cesar was sewn up 
in the reeking hide of a mule, and escaped death, but 
Alexander died. 1 The Cardinal of Corneto told the histo- 
rian, G-iovio, that the poison, which carried off the Pope 
was intended for him among others, and that he narrowly 
escaped. 2 Others added that Alexander had forgotten 
the sacred host that he was in the habit of carrying 
about with him for protection ; others, again, that the 
compact he had sealed with the Devil had expired, and his 
Satanic majesty had come in the form of a courier to fetch 
him away. 3 

At all events, in the midst of his greatest expectations, 
his career was cut short. 

It has been said, that the Pope had sometimes been 
warned, as though by Gi-od, in the midst of his crimes. 
For instance, by a flash of lightning that once struck 
the ground before him, just as he had persuaded the 
Archbishop of Cosenza to accuse himself guiltlessly, 4 
— by a popular tumult, from which he barely escaped with 
his life into a church, 5 immediately after he had caused 
Alonso da Bisceglia to be put to death — and he likewise 
received the express warning of the astrologers that he 
would die for his son's sake. 6 There never was a Pope, 
who so completely postponed all ecclesiastical considera- 
tions to secular interests, and still less was there ever one, 
who strove to compass his ends by such terrible means. No 
acquisition of land has ever been stained with so much blood 

1 Guicciardini, iv. 314. Petrus Martyr, 269. Mariana, 222. 

2 Jovii Vita Gonsalvi, 260 (note to new ed.). I have given in my 
History of the Popes the results of certain later investigations. In my 
opinion they place the matter beyond all dispute. Cf. S. W., vol. 37, p. 
35, and the Appendix in vol. 39. 

3 Tommaso Tommasi in Gordon, Vie d'Alexandre II., 298. 

4 Burcardus in Eccard, ii. 2085. 

5 Zurita, i. f. 186. 6 Ibid. 



CH. I.] A CHANGE IN THE PAPACY. 207 

and cruelty, as was his foundation of the papal territory 
by stamping out all its small potentates. But this appro- 
priation was not after all intended for the papacy, a single 
despot was to unite it all in his hand, and this despot 
none other than the Pope's own son. What a check 
would not such a principality exercise upon future popes ! 

After Alexander's decease, Eonie and Eomagna became 
hiYolved in the greatest confusion. In Eome, Cesar was 
master of the Monte d'Angelo ; he had a large body of 
men under his command and, moreover, his father's 
treasure stored in two large chests, which he had removed 
from the palace. 1 But since he lay sick, the cardinals were 
not prevented from enlisting troops, the Orsini now too 
ventured again to make their appearance. It is related of 
Fabio Orsino that he slew one of Cesar's attendants and 
washed his mouth and hands in the blood. The citizens 
often closed the streets and shops because of the tumult of 
the fighting parties. 2 

In Eomagna, the authorities, Cesar's adherents, fled, and 
the lords of the land returned. When Gruidubaldo came 
back to Urbino, even the patrician ladies under captains 
followed the drum through the streets in the evening, to 
show that they also were ready to fight for him. 3 In Citta di 
Castello a golden calf was carried through the streets as a 
device of the Vitelli. Sinigaglia, headed by the Eovere, 
flew to arms at the bidding of the Cardinal Julian. Griam- 
paolo Baglione returned to Perugia under French protec- 
tion. The others likewise returned from their several 
asylums. 4 

But how matters would develop depended entirely upon 
the election of the new pope. 

The cardinals hastened to meet. Ascanio Sforza was 
once more released from his tower at Bourges, in order 
that he might give his vote for the French candidate. John 
Colonna came from Sicily, where he had been living upon 
an annual allowance from the Catholic King. He was 

1 Burcard in Brequigny, 67, 68. Victorellus ad liacconiuru, 1356. 

2 Sismondi, xii. 289, from Ulloa. Raphael Volaterranus, Vitae 
Paparum, 167. 

3 Baldi, Vita di Guidubaldo, ix. 115. 

4 Baldi, viii. 108, ix. 116-122. 



208 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

entirely Spanish in his leanings. 1 As soon as the French 
forces occupied Nepi, the Spanish advanced under Mendoza 
to Marino, both places being in close proximity to the city. 
Under the protection of the French party, both in the con- 
clave and in the field, Georges d'Amboise publicly aspired to 
the highest dignity in Christendom. G-onzal was not less 
open in his counter-declaration : " If the Holy G-host would 
choose another than Caravajal, the Spanish party would 
not oppose the choice." 2 But neither Amboise nor Cara- 
vajal were elected. Both parties were finally agreed in the 
choice of one Piccolhomini, of Siena ; in him, sitting as 
Pius III., the Spaniards fancied they saw a friend, whilst 
the French saw only in him an enemy, as Pius II. Piccol- 
homini had been their foe. 3 The Spaniards appeared to 
triumph. But Pius had scarcely taken possession of the 
Vatican, and had not even entered St. John Later an , 
when he died, and the struggle between the rival parties 
began afresh. Baglione and Alvian once more entered 
Rome with their troops ; the former with his French on 
the right bank of the Tiber, and the latter with his Spanish 
on the left Immediately the cardinals met in conclave,, 
both sides retired. 4 

Now at this time, Julian della Rovere, who had always 
proved the boldest in opposing three popes, a man whom 
even Alexander admitted was a man of his word, tho 
same man, who had just directed the defence of the Castle 
of Sinigaglia, enjoyed the greatest esteem of all the cardinal 
body. He was a native of Savona, and might be considered 
a French subject. He had always favoured the party of 
the Colonna, and was not altogether unacceptable to the 
Spaniards. Now that Amboise despaired of becoming pope- 
himself, and Ferdinand of placing a Spaniard in the chair, 
both parties were unanimous in favour of this Julian. He 
had always been well disposed towards the Venetians, and 
he now promised security for Cesar. And so it came to pass 

1 Zurita, 299. Arluni, de bello Veneto, i. 21. 

2 Zurita, 329. 

3 Epistola Francisci Cardinalis Senensis in Ciacconius, 1356. Gilles,. 
Chroniques de France, 121. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma, 285. 

5 Infessura, 1977. Jacobi Volat. Diarium. 



CH. I.] A CHANGE IN THE PAPACY. 209 

that, within an hour after the close of the Conclave, he was 
sitting at a separate table as pope, signing the contract of 
his appointment by the cardinals, and placing on his finger 
the papal ring that had already been engraven with his 
monogram. 1 He styled himself, slightly changing his bap- 
tismal name, Julius II. In this choice the French believed 
they had gained a victory such as the Spaniards had vaunted 
in the case of Pius. At all events, Amboise, who, in addi- 
tion to the French legation, received also that of Avignon, 
and whose nephew was the first cardinal, lived harmo- 
niously together with him in the palace and assisted at his 
most privy councils. 2 The next difiiculty to be encountered 
was the state of things in the Eomagna, which became 
more and more complicated. On the part of Tuscany, 
there offered their services to G-onzal, Aretins and Pisanese, 
with Pandulf Petrucci and Julian Medici; on the part of 
Genoa, both French and Adorni ; and on the part of Lom- 
bardy 600 nobles and Ascanio Sforza with them. 

For, precisely at the time that Julius became pope, the 
Venetians invaded the Eomagna. They occupied the 
country round about Imola, purchased Rimini from the 
Malatesta, and threatened Faenza. 3 But as this country 
owned Cesar as its suzerain, and since Julius, though 
promising to let him remain so, had not undertaken to 
defend him, this invasion, consequently, resolved itself into 
a war between the Venetians and Cesar. 

Therefore, when the Pope upbraided them for their con- 
duct, asking, " Whether he had done them so few services, 
that they had resolved to rob the Church during his ponti- 
ficate," they replied : "it was a robber, and not the Church 
that they were attacking : and that they were ready to pay 
their contribution." Whereupon the Pope replied : that 
" though he wanted lords over his cities, he only wished for 
such as he could control," and held frequent counsel. 4 
Although Cesar was not exactly an acceptable personage — 

1 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Roma, 287-293. Zurita, 330. 
Burcardus in Eccard, 2159, in Brequigny and in Rainaldns, Annales 
Ecclesiastici, vol. xx. p. 2. . 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 361, and in many passages. 

3 Bembus, Historia? Venetse, 145-147. Sansovino Grig. 79. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legazione a. c. d. R, 300, 305, 320. 

P 



210 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [bI. II. 

for how could he possibly trust him ? — the Venetians were 
even less desirable. 

Since his father's death, Cesar appeared to have lost all 
confidence, boldness, and decision. He even vacillated in 
the papal election; to-day concluding a treaty with 
Arnboise and on the morrow with the Colonna ; to-day 
promising to join one army, and then on the morrow be- 
taking himself to the other. But, as soon as the first in- 
telligence of the Venetian operations reached him, he com- 
pletely lost his senses. Men said of him : " The strokes 
of adverse fortune have stunned him, and he no longer 
knows what he wants." l Where we see men displaying 
energy as soon as disaster befalls them, we shall always 
find them at the bottom to be good and noble natures ; 
those, on the contrary, who are not such only appear 
strong for so long as they are in good fortune and no longer. 

In order to invalidate the excuse advanced by the Vene- 
tians, Cesar expressed his readiness to surrender for a 
time all his castles and towns to Pope Julius. But the 
latter, apprehensive lest it might be difficult for him to 
restore them again, refused the offer. 2 He considered it 
to be best for Cesar to proceed by sea to Spezzia, and 
thence to go by way of Ferrara, whilst the army advanced 
against Imola through the Tuscan and Perugian territory. 
Cesar was neither supported by Florence, nor yet by 
Baglione ; but he made the venture. On the 19th No- 
vember, 1503, he despatched his army through Tuscany, 
whilst he himself went to Ostia, to take ship. He still 
hoped that the star of his fortune would return; but 
all the world mocked at him : " Whither," said they, 
"will the wind waft him, where will he meet with 
his troops again ? " 3 Everything depended upon his re- 
lations to the new Pope, and upon the latter' s good- will 
towards him. 4 

1 Soderini, in Macchiavelli, Legazione, 319. 

2 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 337. 

3 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 332. Burcardus, 2139. 

4 The divergent opinions that have been expressed about this event 
cause me to reproduce here, more in detail than I have done in the text, 
the account given by Zurita, who utilized the intelligence received by 
King Ferdinand. According to Zurita, the proposal to deliver over his 
castles to the Pope proceeded from Cesar himself. He wished to secure 



CH. I.] A CHANGE IN THE PAPACY. 211 

He was but two days gone, when Julius received 
tidings, that Faenza was in the greatest danger of being 
taken by the Venetians, and that it was open to doubt 
whether Cesar would arrive quickly enough, and with 
sufficient forces, to be able to take energetic measures. 
These tidings deprived the Pope of sleep, and in the night 
of the 22nd November he resolved to risk it and to accept 
Cesar's strongholds for the time being. In the morning 
he summoned Cardinal Soderini to him ; but he still kept 

them from Venice, that would recoil in terror before the name of the 
Church. Soon after he repented of his offer, and was kept under restraint 
until he had performed his promise. He was taken to Ostia, with the ex- 
press assurance that he should enjoy completeliberty as soon as the strong- 
holds had been given up. He was under the care of the Cardinal de Santa 
Cruz. Two galleys were put at the latter's disposal, in order to release 
Cesar, as soon as he had kept his word. The Cardinal was invested with 
full powers to this end not only by the Pope, but also by the College of 
Cardinals, and it actually came so far that of the three castles in question, 
two were surrendered, and a money security given in the case of the third, 
so that the Cardinal set him at liberty. At this moment the war be- 
tween the French and Spaniards that had been interrupted by a truce 
threatened to burst out afresh. Cesar, who was still well furnished 
with money and accustomed to pay his soldiers well, and who was fawned 
on as their lord and master by those insolent characters who are charmed 
by wild and cruel deeds, and being, as he was, thoroughly well acquainted 
with the internal relations of the various Italian factions, and accustomed 
to turn them to his own account, would have been welcome as an ally 
either to the French or Spaniards. Gonsalvo sent a message to the 
Cardinal of Santa Cruz to the effect that he would oblige the King of 
Spain if he would contrive that Cesar joined his side (seria gran beneficio 
de toda la Christiandad divitirle de otras empressas : y que no se diesse 
lugar que veniesse a Francia) ; which now comes to pass. Cesar came 
with a strong escort to Naples, but it was not his intention to remain 
long quietly here. His first idea was to prevent the surrender of Forli 
to the Pope, which had not yet taken place, to revive the war in the 
Eomagna, and to retake Urbino and the other cities, which had been 
lost to him. He was desirous, for this purpose, of employing the 
Spanish and Italian infantry, with which Gonzal had gained his victories. 
Gonzal quickly perceived that Cesar was influencing his troops, and 
being moreover informed that he was in communication with Forli, began 
to be apprehensive lest he was plotting, not merely to renew the war in 
Italy, but to weaken him (Gonzal) so much that Naples would be forced 
to fall into French hands. Thereupon he resolved to make sure of this 
dangerous personage: the King approved his conduct. (Zurita, 324.) 
Mariana has borrowed his remarks from Zurita, and has not made them 
clearer, though he has lent them a classic colouring. (Note to 2nd 
Edit.) 



212 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

his own counsel, for lie wished not to do wrong, and did 
not confide to him his resolve. Towards evening he again 
sent for him, told him, and sent him after Cesar. But 
now the latter refused. On the 29th, he was brought to 
Rome by the papal guards ; when there, he was sometimes 
to be found in Magliana, and sometimes in the treasurer's 
apartments, or in Amboise's lodging. He there heard 
how Baglione had surprised and annihilated his army; 
and so, at length, he consented to surrender the signs 
of power, to which the governors of his castles were 
pledged. 1 But they delayed and made fresh difficulties. 
It was not until April, 1504, that the castles were de- 
livered to the Pope, and Cesar again enjoyed full liberty 
in Ostia. 

Thus it came to pass that Julius II. interfered against 
Venice on the part of Cesena, Imola, and Forli, as now 
being their immediate lord, and defended these cities 
against attack. But, meanwhile, Faenza was^ lost. We 
shall next see what important events resulted from its 
fall. 

In Ostia, Cesar had a fresh seizure of his old vacillation. 
His father had first of all been French in his sympathies, 
and then Spanish, and then again French, only to end 
with being Spanish once more. Lezcan, and the Marquis 
of Final, both set out at the same time to Cesar, the latter 
offering French aid, and the former a Spanish escort. 
What should he do ? Louis was a relation, and always 
kept his promise. Ferdinand had the reputation of being 
faithless, and the Aragon escorts were well known, as was 
also the fact that, a short time previously, Federigo's son 
had been allured to avail himself of them, and had been made 
prisoner, and carried oft: to Spain. But was he still capable 
at that time of making a choice ? It might be said that 
his fate was upon him. Lezcan was the first to come, and 
Cesar followed him. In the same way as Michelott stepped 
up to his prisoners, so did at last Eunno de Ocampo 
address Cesar with the words : " Sir, you are a prisoner." 
Cesar drew a deep sigh, surrendered himself, and was in- 

1 Macchiavelli, Legaz., 347-339, 355, 366, 373. Baldi, Guidubaldo,. 
147. Burcardus and Nardi. 



OH. I.] A CHANGE IN THE PAPACY. 213 

terned in a castle in Spain. This firebrand, the Spaniards 
said, was safe in no other hands but in theirs. 1 

Later, Cesar escaped from the Castle and reached 
Navarre once more, but was slain, shortly after his flight, 
in a skirmish. 

1 Zurita, 328. Jovii Gonsalrus, 274. Mariana, 233. Guicciardini, 
vi. 339. ' 



CHAPTER II. 

VARIANCES BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF SPAIN AND AUSTRIA. 

THESE Neapolitan affairs are intimately connected with 
a quarrel between Spain and Austria, which broke ont 
even before their negotiations had been concluded. 

When, for instance, Philip, in the early part of the year 
1503, set out on his return journey to the Netherlands 
through France, the Spanish cause at Naples was in a 
sorry plight, and Philip believed himself commissioned to 
conclude a treaty with Louis. He had arrived at his Court 
in Lyons, 1 and, on the 5th of April, had just agreed upon 
a peace with the King, a peace, of course, most advanta- 
geous to him and to this effect : " That Naples should be 
governed in the name of Charles and Claudia, but with his 
co-operation, and should at a future day devolve upon 
them," when the prospects of the Spaniards at Naples 
improved. They now entertained hopes of victory, and 
Ferdinand ordered his Commander-in-Chief to disregard 
any orders he might receive from Philip. 2 In vain his 
heralds came and departed; instead of the peace, the 
battle of Cerignola took place. Philip had long been on 
bad terms with his father-in-law ; the latter had refused 
him the appanage of a prince, had, in Roussillon, pro- 
hibited his attendants being provided with horses, and 
had given orders to have all the cannon at Salsas ready for 
action whenever he visited that fortress. 3 Both foresaw 
Isabella's death, and that they would then have to fight 
for the succession in Castile. This Neapolitan affair fur- 
ther fanned this misunderstanding. The quarrel with 
Ferdinand's envoys, who denied that Philip had been com- 

1 Hubert Thomas Leodius, de vita Friderici Palatini, p. 41. 

2 Zurita, 259, 260. 3 Zurita, 258. 



CH. II.] SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE. 215 

missioned to conclude a peace, at first deprived this young 
and noble prince — who was ill — of consciousness. 1 But he 
soon recovered. In his own name he now concluded an 
alliance with Louis, which was proclaimed in Lyons in 
August. It was aimed immediately at Ferdinand. Louis 
promised the Archduke 1,000 lances for the conquest 
of Castile, as he knew that he would need them. 2 Philip 
then induced his father, who was always in accord with 
his son, to join this alliance and to reiterate his promise 
touching the Milanese fiefs, which had not yet been be- 
stowed ; and to this step Maximilian was also induced by 
the state of affairs in Germany. 



1. Maximilian, through the influence of the French Alliance, 
Victor and Lord in Germany. 

It is worthy of remark how intimately connected Ger- 
man domestic affairs were with French war and peace. 

The council of the realm, which had been constituted 
after Louis' victory over the Sforza and Maximilian, 
passed, as early as September, 1501, independent resolutions 
of its own. But owing to Maximilian having, on the 
3rd of October following, entered with Louis into the 
league of Trent, not one of its resolutions was put 
into force ; nay, from that hour it entirely fell to pieces. 3 
For a whole six months neither " Kammergericht " nor 
" Hofgericht " was held throughout the Empire, the estates 
lost prestige, there was no prospect of a Diet, and public 
peace was not to be dreamt of. In spite of this, the 
Neapolitan war of Ferdinand and Maximilian against 
Louis was, as we have seen, allowed to break out in June, 
1502, before any steps were taken. In July, the electors 
assembled at G-elnhausen, to inaugurate yearly meetings, 
to which they proposed to summon all classes, each bringing 
his neighbours, in case the King himself did not appoint 
any day and place of assembling. 

The intention was the same as that with which certain 



1 Pontus Heuterus from Lalaing's MS. as it appears. 

2 Znrita, i. 289 ; ii. 9. 

3 Miiller; Reichstagsstaat, i. c. 21, sec. 3; c. 23. 



216 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

days in the year were set apart at Worms, and a committee 
of the realm appointed at Augsburg ; namely, to deliberate 
upon such subjects as war with the Turks, the public peace, 
the high court of justice, and all internal matters. Such 
meetings were actually held. 1 To these the Electors referred 
everything that Maximilian demanded of them individually ; 
and when he summoned any of their number before his 
Court they flatly contradicted him. 2 All the decreeing 
power now left to the King was the right of reversing 
appeals, and the bestowal of expectancies. 3 During the 
months in which the French were victorious in Italy, the 
disunion was most strongly marked. Maximilian loudly 
complained of Berthold von Mainz, stating that : " he was 
most vexed with him, because he had not followed his sug- 
gestions in the Reichstag at Worms ; and had, moreover, 
always hindered him in his endeavours for the prosperity 
of the realm and Christendom." 4 In February, 1503, he 
would gladly have made common cause with the Swiss, who 
crossed the St. GTothard to defend Bellinzona, and would 
with them have entered Milan, in order to settle the Nea- 
politan question, had it not been that the situation at home 
tied his hands. To enable him to engage in the slightest 
enterprise, he needed a certain tranquillity on the part of 
the German princes, and, for this, peace with France. 5 

Thus it was that, in concluding this treaty, his son's ad- 
vantage coincided well with his own. 

It will scarcely have been by corruption that Louis con- 
trived to keep the princes on his side ; the power of the 
princes was also enhanced when the French gave the 
German King plenty of trouble ; they needed not then 
fear him for themselves. However that might be, after the 
reconciliation between Louis and the House of Austria, in 
November, 1503, the electors excused themselves apologeti- 
cally for their previous conduct, and resolved only to meet 
once every two years. 6 These meetings never took place 

1 Miiller ; Keichsstagstaat, book ii. p. 248, 260, and cap. iii. sec. 8. 

2 Miiller, ii. cap. 5. 

3 Haberlin, Eeichs histoi'ie, ix. 229, from the documents. 

4 Correspondence in Gudenus, Codex Diplomaticus Moguntinus, iv. 
547,551. 

. 5 Weiskunig, 278. 
6 Documents in Miiller; Keichsstagstaat, ii. viii. pp. 276, 287. 



OH. II.] SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE. 217 

again. This opposition was now virtually at an end. 
But at that very time Maximilian found an opportunity of 
destroying another older and more deeply rooted combina- 
tion, which even foreigners class among the great factions 
of Europe, viz., the opposition of the Palatinate. 

Forty years previously, Frederick, " Arrogator " of the 
Palatinate, in league with Bavaria-Landshut, victoriously 
resisted the grand attack of the Emperor and his whole 
party. We have seen the correspondence in which the then 
Elector of the Palatinate engaged with Charles VIII. and 
Louis XII. In the days when Louis concluded the Swiss 
treaty against Maximilian, the Elector married his son 
Euprecht to the only daughter of G-eorge of Landshut. 
Those who forty years before had fought together were now 
dead ; but the old hate and the old leanings still survived 
and lived on in their children. 

It happened that Duke G-eorge of Landshut, when 
about to proceed in his carriage, accompanied by four 
physicians, to Wildbad, at Michaelmas, 1505, was suddenly 
taken so ill on the road that he could only reach his castle 
at Ingolstadt, so sick was he. 1 Should he allow his country 
to pass to Duke Albrecht of Munich, his old enemy, and 
Maximilian's brother-in-law, in spite of his being his rightful 
heir, according to the feudal law of descent ? In order to 
pass it to Euprecht, his sister's son, and his son-in-law, he 
committed to him his fortresses and his treasure, and 
called together the Estates for the 10th December. But 
he died before they convened ; and this last scion of the 
House of Bavaria-Landshut, was borne to the grave by 
mere foreign knights, save one only, whom he had summoned 
to protect his son-in-law. 2 

The young Euprecht was the first to appear before the 
Estates, with his knights and yeomen. " How," he ex- 
claimed, " could anyone wish to defraud the grandchildren 
of Duke George, who were males, and of his own flesh and 
blood ? The whole lineage of the House of Burgundy had 
descended through a woman, Bavarian blood also coursed 
through his veins." . Then appeared Albrecht's envoys : 

1 Zayneri, de bello Bavarico ]iber Memorialis in Oefele, Rerum Boi- 
carum, torn. ii. p. 350. 

2 Zayner, 363. 



218 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

" The land was entailed upon a man, and, further, Albrecht 
was in the fourth, whilst Euprecht was only in the eighth 
degree from George." 1 The Estates did not seem able to 
arrive at a solution, and so declared their readiness to 
submit to Maximilian's arbitration; yet this was also a 
decision, for the King had long since taken a side. 2 

The King thought first on his own advantage. He had 
three schemes. The first was for Albrecht, his sister's hus- 
band, in whose company he entered Augsburg, on the 30 
January, 1504, to assist at the " Reichstag." His second 
was for certain districts of Land shut ; and the third was 
the humiliation of the Palatinate, which he wished to de- 
prive of the Landgraviate of Hagenau. 3 His mediatory pro- 
posal : " that that part of Bavaria lying across the Danube 
should be assigned to Euprecht, and all the rest to belong 
to Albrecht," as well as others of a like nature, were 
rejected now by one party and now by the other. At 
last, on Easter Day, after the Dukes of Munich had held 
two hours' private conversation with him, he announced 
the same evening to the Estates of Landshut, in a garden 
at Augsburg, that " the war must unfortunately take 
its course." 4 His final decision gave the whole country 
to the Munich line. On the 29th of April, Euprecht' s 
consort took possession of the city and of a large por- 
tion of the Landshut territory. 5 Forthwith all the old 
enemies of 1461 rose up in arms. Wurtemberg, Yeldenz, 
and Hessen against the Palatinate; the Munich House, 
with the assistance of Brandenburg, Saxony, and Suabia 
and the city of Nuremberg against Landshut. The war 
began. 

But how about the French alliance of the old Count 
Palatine ? His followers wore white crosses like the French ; 
he sent his son repeatedly to Louis. 6 But all to no pur- 
pose; the new alliance with Maximilian prevented the 

1 " Handlung Zwischen Herzog Ruprecht und gemeine Landschaft," 
in Zayner, 370. 

2 Maximilian's Letter in Muller's Reich stagsstaat. 

3 "Der Echte Fugger" in Oefele's manuscript, ii. 471. 

4 "Handlung zu Augsburg you gemeine Landschaft wegen," in 
Zayner, 392. Especially p. 401. 

• 5 Proclamation when Landshut was taken, vide Zayner, 438. 
6 Zayner, Preface ; and Zurita. 



CH. II.] SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE. 219 

French King from listening to him. The Count Palatine 
resolved to only keep the fortress garrisoned, and to 
maintain two armies in the field, one in Heidelberg, and 
another in Land shut, with the view either to prevent or to 
requite pillage and plunder. The enemy, he reflected, was 
not so rich as he was, and would be first exhausted. 1 

The Palatinate itself was assailed on three sides. On 
the east of the Ehine, Ulrich von Wiirtemberg made the 
attack. He took Maulbronn, and 2,000 balls discharged 
from the Niederberg forced the cantons of Besigheim, 
Walheim, and Weinsberg to accept him in their sanctuary 
as their lord and master. Bretten alone was defended by 
the good pieces of ordnance that George Schwarzerd had 
cast, and by a company of Swiss from Thurgau. 2 

West of the Ehine, Alexander der Schwarze of Veldenz 
drove off herds of oxen and swine, levied contributions, 
and allowed his soldiers to cut up the silk altar-hangings 
to make jerkins, or to send them home to their wives. In 
Sonwald we find him lying in wait for the cattle to be 
driven out of a castle, so as to surprise the open gate. 
But now and again John Landschad would march against 
him from Kreuznach with better men, and deal with him 
likewise. 3 

William of Hessen with his fire wardens now ravaged 
the Bergstrasse lying to the right of the Ehine, and 
now the Alzheimer Gau, on the left ; and it was only 
the peasantry of Ingelheim in their monastery, and 
the garrison of Caub, that offered him any formidable 
resistance. 5 

Whilst all this robbing, murdering, and pillaging was 
taking place — for we cannot call it regular warfare — 
the archives were ransacked for evidence of the King's 
claim to the " Landvogtei," and this, with Hagenau and 
Ortenau, passed into his hand. Overjoyed at his success, 
which had been achieved without heeding the mediation 

1 Vendii Ephemerides belli Palatino-Boici, Ex Kolneri libris tribus 
concinnatae in Oefele, ii. 480. 

2 Saltier, Eisenbach, Stettler. Crusii Annales Suevici, 525. 

3 Trithenius, Chronicon Hirsangiense, 608-613. 

4 Trithenius, 613-623. Miinster, Kosmographie. 

5 Haberlins, note from a document in Lunig, ix. 278. 



'220 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

of any of the Electors, 1 by merely confirming the enemies 
of the Palatinate in the possession of what they had con- 
quered, he proceeded to Bavaria, where some of his coun- 
sellors kept a vigilant watch over Kufstein, and others 
over Weissenhorn, to both of which he laid claim. 

He arrived just in time. There also the war was being 
waged more with fire than with sword. Now it was the 
country about Munich itself, and anon the neighbourhood 
of Landshut, that was ravaged. The sentries of the towns 
and train-bands came into collision. One or the other fled. 
There were no deeds of valour worthy the name, and con- 
sequently no results were achieved. 2 Just as some Suabian 
and Brandenburg soldiery had retired before the Munichers, 
and the Landshut side now appeared to have gained the 
upper hand by dint of their 2,500 Bohemians, the King 
arrived on the scene. Four miles from the city of Regens- 
burg, whence peals of bells, inviting to processions and 
prayers, accompanied him into the field, surrounded by his 
knights, he charged the Bohemians in person. He fell 
upon them, though entrenched behind a triple barricade 
;and long stockades made of iron spikes driven into the 
ground, firmly bound together with chains, and although 
ouce unhorsed by a pike— his life was only saved by 
Erich von Braunschweig's devotion — at last succeeded 
in mastering them. This done, he marched into Regens- 
burg, with music playing and drums beating, standards 
;and the prisoners he had taken preceding him. 3 He had 
now gained the upper hand, and took for himself Weissen- 
horn, Mauerstatten, and Kufstein. 

Now when the old Count Palatine looked about him, and 
saw both countries ravaged, and partly in the enemy's 
hand ; when he found himself reft of his son Euprecht, as 
well as of his daughter-in-law, both of whom had died 
during the war ; when he saw too the Electoral Confederacy 
broken up, France leagued with Maximilian, his enemies 
unbroken, and no hope left, his courage sank, and he had 
recourse to entreaties. Maximilian, at length in possession 

1 Miiller's, Keichstagsstaat, 406. 

2 Life of Gbtz von Berlichingen, published by Hagen, p. 41, f. 

3 " Die Eegensburger Chronik," vol. iv. part i., Regensburg, 1822, 
J>. 84. 



CH. II.] SPAIN AND AUSTRIA AT VARIANCE. 221 

of what he had coveted, able to boast that he had it in his 
power to utterly crush the Palatinate, and mindful that 
Munich also had not always favoured Austria, was prudent 
and forbearing enough not to desire its destruction, and so, 
in September, commanded a truce. 1 He then, in accor- 
dance with his original proposal, founded the younger 
Palatinate, on the other side the Danube, for the chil- 
dren of Ruprecht and George's grandchildren. After this 
triumphant victory, whom need the King fear in Germany ? 

Berthold von Mainz, the life and soul of all the opposi- 
tion he had hitherto met with, died in December, 1504, and 
the King had long since taken into his service his chancellor, 
Sturzler. 2 In May, 1505, he again held a Reichstag at 
Cologne, where he had always wished it to meet, but 
the princes of his realm would never consent. We must 
especially lament that there was no one in those days 
who had either the opportunity to study, or the will and 
skill to chronicle, the active participation of the princes 
and their counsellors in public business. Such a one 
would tell us how the great ideas of a universal participa- 
tion of the Estates in internal government, of the contri- 
bution of all Germans towards the common burdens, and 
of a real unity of the nation in opposition to the imperial 
power, were all born of the three attempts to frame a 
constitution by Estates, namely, the yearly Assembly, the 
Committee of the Realm, and the Confederation of the 
Electors, and how that, after attaining a certain develop- 
ment, they all perished at Cologne. 

To live on in the memory of posterity is one half of life ; 
but these attempts have almost been forgotten. 3 In Co- 
logne those ideas were relinquished, and the constitution 
began to return to its old groove. The Emperor was 
guaranteed for a year a force larger than ever before. This 
force was raised by a census of the Estates, and was no longer 
computed according to parishes and population ; was fixed 

1 Hubertus, Thomas Leodius, Vita Friderici, Palatini ii., No. 42,. 
No. 47, and Zurita. 

2 Haberlin, ii. 283. Trithenius, Der Echte Fugger, i. 1. 

3 (Note to new ed.) This remark is responsible for my later investi- 
gations, which I have published to the world in the first volume of my 
" Deutsche Geschichte." 



222 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

at 1,000 horse and 3,000 foot soldiers, the pay of the 
former being reckoned at ten, and that of the latter at four 
guilders a month ; this force was, moreover, to be equipped 
by the Estates. 1 No government cared how it was to be 
employed. The high Court of Justice, which was left to 
him to pay, thus passed into his hands. He was powerful 
enough to carry out his plans. 



2. Maximilian' 1 s Comprehensive Schemes. Philip of Castile. 

These successes were entirely due to the French alliance, 
and the same alliance was the basis of all new schemes and 
projects. 

After negotiating in France during the whole Bavarian 
war, and after Ferdinand had appeared willing to assign 
Naples to the joint names of Charles and Claudia, and 
had ended in August by flatly refusing, 2 on the 22nd 
September, ten days after the battle of Eegensburg, Maxi- 
milian, Philip, and Louis united in the most intimate 
league : " they would be one soul in three bodies, each 
be the friend of the other's friends, and the enemy of their 
enemies, and would intermarry their children. Louis 
would pledge his governors in Milan, G-enoa, Asti, Bretagne, 
Blois, and Burgundy, all which provinces had been de- 
tached from the Crown, to deliver them all over into the 
hand of Charles and Claudia, in the event of his dying 
without male heirs of his body." 3 We do not find any 
having reference to Naples ; but yet Ferdinand complained 
that it had been dealt with at Blois, as if it had been the 
Tyrol. 4 

Hereupon, in April, 1505, in Hagenau, that had just 
been taken, Amboise received not only for Louis but for 
Charles and Claudia as well, the fiefs of Milan, Pavia, and 
Anghiera, whilst Philip received for himself and his son 

1 Miiller, Eeichstagsstaat, ii. 441. Imperial decree in Miiller, 509. 

2 Lettresdu Eoi Louis XIL, vol. i. 1-7. 

3 In Dumont, iv. I, 55. 

4 Zurita, 343. 



ch. ii.] Maximilian's comprehensive schemes. 223 

the fiefs of G-uelders. 1 In July, 1505, the Duke of G-uel- 
ders, stripped of all French assistance, and forsaken of his 
barons, Wisch, Bronchorst, and Batenburg, actually threw 
himself at Philip's feet in Eosendaal, gave up the greatest 
part of his country, and entered into his suite. 2 

After this, greater enterprises were undertaken. In 
November, 1504, Isabella, Queen of Castile, and Philip's 
mother-in-law, died. 3 Philip, without delay, took the 
royal sword and the royal title instead of the ducal hat, and 
was bent upon becoming her heir/ But the old Ferdinand 
was no less determined to remain the real King of the 
Castilian kingdoms, under the title of a " G-obernador." 
Hence the schism in the Austro- Spanish house, and 
Philip made preparations to drive his father-in-law from 
Castile. 

Maximilian turned his eyes towards Hungary, with a 
view of securing the disputed succession, and for this pur- 
pose the Empire had voted him supplies. 

Immediately both these objects were attained, he could 
turn his attention to Italy. The treaty of Blois planned a 
general war upon Venice. Naples was demanded be- 
cause it belonged to Castile. If we survey this general 
state of things, and reflect that, after Ferdinand's death, 
all the Aragon possessions, and, after Louis' death, all 
the rest of Italy together with a third of France would 
fall to the same great heir, these plans must be regarded 
as jeopardizing European liberty. But Maximilian dreamt 
of an universal monarchy over all the Latin- Teutonic 
nations. In the year 1505 he proposed to the King of 
France to repeal the Salic law, in order that Charles 
and Claudia might succeed him on the throne of France. 5 
In the year 1506, he declared Schwente Nielsen, Eric 
Johannsen, and other Commissioners of Sweden, who 
would not recognize the union nor the King of Denmark, 
under the ban of the Empire in the words : " their 

1 Acte de foi, in Dumont, 60. Pontus Heuterus. 

2 Barlandus, Duces Brabantiae, 137. Teschenmacherus, Annales 
Geldrise in Annal. Clivise, &c, p. 527. Heuterus, 274. 

3 Luc. Marineus Siculus, 512. Petrus Martyr, Epist., 270. 

4 Heuter., 270. Wagenaar, History of the Netherlands, ii. 281. 

5 Zurita, ii. f. 152. 



224 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BI. II. 

goods belonged to the first comer." * He declared that 
through his mother he had as good a claim to the king- 
dom of Portugal as King Manuel. He had the preten- 
sions of a fugitive York to the crown of England trans- 
ferred to himself. 2 

But God willed it that this should not happen. The de- 
velopment of the Romano-Germanic nation that had just 
begun, would have been interrupted and hindered thereby. 
When Louis XII., in the spring of 1505, fell dangerously 
sick, all patriots who desired to see the kingdom in a state 
of union, as well as all friends of the royal dynasty, which 
had been only consolidated by so much blood, began to 
dread that in a short time the realm would become 
divided, and the old domestic war revive. 3 It was pri- 
marily the partisans of Louisa of Savoy, the mother of the 
heir presumptive to the throne, Francis of Angouleme, 
who opposed it. The King himself repented his alliance 
of Blois. Did he not swear at his coronation at Reims 
never to suffer the realm to be diminished ? It was Queen 
Anna who specially favoured the betrothal of Claudia and 
Charles, seeing, as she did, that the latter was destined to 
attain the highest dignity in our nations. She even did 
not spare a considerable sum of money, in order to degrade 
and dismiss from court Marshal Gie, who, during a 
former weakness of the King, had dared to counteract her 
schemes. 4 She was heart and soul in favour of the league. 
But the King being so sorely sick, the wife was fain to 
concede to the husband, what as Queen she refused to the 
King, and Anna at length gave way, forgot her difference 
with Louise, 3 and consented that Claudia should be be- 
trothed to Francis of Angouleme, instead of to Charles. 
Amboise and the high dignitaries at court swore to further 
these ends. It was as yet kept a secret. But the league 
of Blois, and the schemes of the Austrian house had been 
broken in the chief point upon which they were based. 
Louis gradually recovered. 

1 Extract from Dalin, Swedish History, ii. 665. 

2 Zurita and Wagenaar, from the Chartr. van Brabant, Laye. Engle- 
terre, ii. 269. Cf. Hormayr, Oesterrich, Plutarch, v. 178. 

3 Gamier, Histoire de France, xxi. 3-8. St. Gelais, 225 sq. 
■ 4 Garnier, from Gie's trial, xxi. 463, 476. 

5 Eleuranges, Memoires, 154. 



CH. II.] PHILIP OF CASTILE. 225 

Not long afterwards, the Inquisitor of Catalonia, Frater 
John Enquerra, repaired to the French court, in order to 
investigate the ground. 1 He was despatched thither by- 
Ferdinand the Catholic, who was primarily threatened by 
Maximilian's plans, and was therefore desirous of entering 
into an alliance with France. 

Should he cease to be King of Castile and the head 
of the • European political world, and return to the insig- 
nificant position enjoyed by his ancestors? Isabella, 
by her last will, left him a few estates and rights in 
Castile. The succession she devised to her daughter Juana, 
decreeing at the same time that, " previous to her arrival, 
all Cortes should be prohibited, and only, should it be 
subsequently proved that she was either incapable or un- 
willing to conduct the government, a peaceful administra- 
tion should be provided." 2 But Ferdinand was not con- 
tent with this, but assumed the title of " Grobernador," 
and summoned the Cortes without delay. The Grandees, 
whose independence he had broken, were against him ; 
notably Pacheco of Villena, who, at the beginning of 
Ferdinand's reign had lost his estates, his share of the 
Aragon plunder ; and Manrique, of Najara, who saw his 
nephew prejudiced by Aguilar ; their complaint was that, 
"he tempted the notables in the cities, and the Alcades 
in the castles, with presents, and was even bent upon re- 
viving the long-forgotten case of Juana, Henry IV. 's 
daughter, thinking to marry her, only Manuel of Portugal 
would not give her to him ; he was illegally striving to 
become lord of Castile." They did not appear in the 
Cortes. 3 The procurators of the seventeen cities, on the 
other hand — for Ferdinand had once, aided by the Her- 
mandad of the cities, overcome the nobles, and the cities 
favoured him — appeared, declared themselves the repre- 
sentatives of the united kingdoms of Castile, recognized 
him as administrator in the room of his daughter, and 
received from him the oath. 4 

1 Cf. also Nardi, Istorie Fiorent., p. 110. 

2 Zurita, i. 349. Gomez, Vita Ximenes, 981. Petrus Martyr, 279. 
Mariana, 278. 

3 Zurita, ii. 12. Carta in Zurita, ii. 22, 23. 

4 Zurita, ii. f. 6. 



226 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

In spite of all this, Ferdinand conld not possibly hold 
his ground, were Philip, strengthened by the league of 
Blois, to arrive in Castile, and the Grandees there were to 
declare for him. Nothing but a reconciliation with Louis 
promised him security. 

Now that Isabella was dead, Ferdinand also could adopt 
Louis's maxim, a maxim which he used against every pro- 
posal advocating terms respecting Naples, and from which 
proceeded the intention to marry Charles and Claudia to- 
gether, namely, that, " it was incompatible with his honour 
and conscience alike to sell his good rights to strangers." 
In October, 1505, Louis assigned his Neapolitan rights to 
his niece, G-ermana de Foix. Ferdinand promised to marry 
her, to pay a million of good gold within ten years, and to 
restore all the Angevins to their estates. 1 In addition to 
this, the two Kings promised each other mutual help 
against all enemies. Almazan, Ferdinand's other self, con- 
fided to some, that nothing would come of the prospective 
marriage between Charles and Claudia. 2 

The schemes of Maximilian and Philip, who after meet- 
ing in Brabant, in December, 1505, separated, the father 
to look after his Hungarian, and the son after his Casti- 
lian, affairs, were thwarted by the alliance Louis had con- 
tracted, not with them, as he had promised, but with their 
enemies. But the two former gained another in lieu 
thereof. When Aragon and Castile were at variance, it 
frequently had happened that England had allied itself 
with the one and France with the other. This natural 
state of things, and accident, procured an English alliance 
for the Austrian house. 

In January, 1506, Philip had provided the expenses of his 
voyage by the sale of his desmesnes, and the enforced im- 
post of the sixteenth pfennig. Four hundred nobles, with 
several thousand lansquenets, Flemings and Swiss, 3 em- 
barked on board his fleet, fifty sail strong, and Philip 
himself on the ship of two brothers Huybert. The squadron 
steered through the Bay of Biscay, making for a Spanish 

1 Documents in Duinont, iv. i. 72. Extract in Guicciardini, iv. 357. 

2 Baco, Historia Henrici, vii. p. 369. 

3 Wagenaar, ii. 281. Ehrenspiegel, 1165, Nardi, Istorie Fiorent, 
iv. 111. 



CH. II.] PHILIP OF CASTILE. 227 

port, not far from Cordova, when the wind suddenly- 
changed, and a storm arose. In the stress of weather, the 
Huyberts, though Philip vainly bade them " Watch," x 
could devise no other means of safety than running for the 
English coast. At length, escaping through the race off 
Portland's chalk cliffs, they landed on the quay of Wey- 
mouth. 2 Here Philip was received as a most welcome guest, 
and not like a shipwrecked man, and was escorted with 
all pomp and ceremony to Windsor, a castle of the King 
Henry VII. Yet not for nought. Here in his most private 
chamber, Henry placed his hand upon his guest's shoulder, 
and said, " You have been saved on my coasts, and should 
then I suffer shipwreck on yours ; I mean Suffolk, give him 
up to me." Philip had still a York, Edmund de la Pole 
of Suffolk, in his keeping, and much as he resisted : " for 
he would appear to be acting under compulsion," he was 
obliged at last to surrender him. 3 This done, Henry swore 
upon a portion of the true Cross, to come to the aid of his 
guest, in defence of his kingdoms, either such as he now 
possessed or should possess, against everyone who should 
attack him in them. 4 And thus strengthened, almost 
against his will, with a new ally, in April, 1506, Philip 
embarked for Corunna. 

He arrived. " Now that he was come, the Galician and 
Castilian nobles should prove their promised allegiance." 
The Duke of Najara was already equipped : should he not 
receive the new prince in the same manner as the old? 
Not only Villena, but Benavente, who through the Aragons 
had lost his " messe " of Medina del Campo, G-iron, of 
the oppressed house of Portugal, Garcilasso de la Wega, 
who hoped to be able to revive with Philip the influence 
he had enjoyed with Isabella, the Duke of Be jar, the 
Marquises of Astorga and Aquilar, and many others accom- 
panied him. 5 They complained that, " the old Ferdinand 
wished to merge Castile into Aragon; the Jurado of 

1 Bayle, Dictionnaire, ride sub Huybert, from a " Memoire Commu- 
nique au libraire." 

2 Petrus Martyr, Epist. .296. Polydorus, Virgilius. Historia Angliea, 
777. 

3 Baco, Vita Henrici Septimi, p. 336, 370. 

4 In Dumont, iv. 1, 77. 5 Zurita, ii. 47-55. 



228 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Saragossa in his scarlet dress had already entered into Vala- 
dolid with his Mazza, and was now preparing for resis- 
tance ; Philip should not trust in his assurances ; 1 every 
noble who placed himself on his side was denaturalized, 
and forfeited, moreover, the protection of his suzerain." 

On the other side, Ferdinand urged upon his party to 
ally itself with him, giving as his reason that its lady and 
true Queen was kept prisoner by her husband, so that 
none could serve her, and none address her. Philip was 
treating her as no yeoman ever treated his wife ; they 
should, therefore, aid in liberating the Queen. In this 
endeavour he would stake his person and his life. 2 He 
retained on his side the cities, a few grandees and prelates, 
and the governors, who owed him what they were, and 
whom, as he said, Philip wished to displace. But, in a 
short time, all the grandees and prelates, and even his 
relatives, including the Condestable and the Almirante, 
had forsaken him, 3 and only a single man, the Duke of 
Alva, who never wavered, remained faithful to him. In 
the cities, the relatives of those imprisoned by the Inquisi- 
tion looked towards the young King, and in still greater 
numbers, seeing that Luzero had by false witnesses incar- 
cerated knights and dames, monasterial and secular clerics. 4 
After this, a recourse to force was impossible. It could 
only be in an interview that Ferdinand could hope to 
assert his personal ascendency over his son-in-law. Fray 
Francis Ximenes of Cisneros arranged this meeting for 
him. 

Upon a hill, in the midst of the mountain range of 
G-amoneda between Puebla de Sanabria and Bionegro, 
hard by the farm of Eemessal, and close to a copse of 
oak trees, stands a chapel. Hither, on the 20th June, 
1506, came Ferdinand from the one side with 200 light- 
armed troops seated on mules, all in mantles and red 
caps, with a sword hanging loosely from their belts, whilst 
from the other there approached 1,000 G-ermans with 

1 Petrus Martyr, 305. 

2 Carta, con que el Catholico se justifica, in Zurita, ii. 57, 58. 

3 Ferdinand's words, in Zurita, fol. 71. 

4 Llorente, Histoire de l'lnquisition de l'Espagne, i. 346. Zurita, 99, 
116. Gonzalo Ayora's letter in Llorente. 



CH. II.] PHILIP OF CASTILE. 229 

muskets and spears, the finest and most stalwart men you 
could behold, and behind them, surrounded by his grandees, 
all wearing armour under their tunics, came Philip. 1 The 
old monarch, distinguished by his bald head and austere 
nose, rich in exploits ; the youth white and ruddy of 
complexion and full of hope. The latter, on this occasion 
more serious than his wont ; the former, brighter than 
usual. In the chapel, while Ximenes waited on the grassy 
slope before the door, they conferred with each other. 
Ximenes had already had negotiations with Philip, endea- 
vouring to induce him to agree to a joint administration — 
urging that the shrewdness of age and the vigour of youth 
would then combine — and trying to persuade him, at all 
events, to leave Granada, which needed a practised eye, to the 
more experienced monarch. 2 And this is, probably, what 
Ferdinand also attempted on this occasion. In any case 
he pointed out to him the intentions and the character 
of his grandees. But all to no purpose. They departed 
as they came ; yet, whilst journeying up theDuero, several 
miles apart, they continued their negotiations. Finally, 
Ferdinand was obliged to content himself with half the 
Indian revenue, and a limited control of the Grand Orders. 
He renounced all other share in the government. 3 But 
here his equivocation manifested itself. Whilst conced- 
ing this, after much resistance, he declared to the people, 
that : " he had had no other intention from the first but 
this ; he had, it was true, formerly taken the government 
upon himself, yet he had only done this in order to display 
the greater grace towards his children. 4 

He went yet further. On the 28th June, after declaring 
with Philip, that, " it ought to be known that the gracious 
Queen must in no case interfere with the Government in 
any respect ; otherwise, the complete ruin of these realms 
would be the result," he protested secretly to Almazan, 
that : " he made this confession only out of fear ; in reality 
he was resolved to liberate his daughter." ' On his way 

1 Jovii Gonsalvas, 278. Gomez, Vita Ximenes, 990. Mariana, 28, 252. 

2 Literae Ximenes, in Gomez, 987. 3 Zurita, ii. 63. 

4 Relacion del Catholico, in Zurita, 70. 

5 Concordia entre el Catholico, etc., and Protestacion del Catholico, 
in Zurita, 67, 68. 



230 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

home lie found the gates of several cities closed against 
him by the grandees ; yet he comforted himself with the 
reflection that he had once been still more powerless, and 
yet had ruled them many long years. Full of other fresh 
cares and anxieties, he hurried back to Anjou. 

No sooner was this over, than all cities opened their 
gates to the young King, and swore allegiance to him. 
Wherever there were governors of castles, who at first 
were not inclined to yield, they did so, as soon as 
a few companies of troops showed themselves. The 
grandees and prelates were besides in Philip's retinue. 1 
The House of Austria succeeded in taking possession of 
Castile. 

During this time Maximilian was in Hungary ; fifteen 
years previously, the prelates, barons, and cities of this 
country had been obliged to swear to him that : " should 
Wladislaw die without male heirs, Maximilian, or, in case 
he was deceased, one of his sons should succeed ; failing 
these, one of the heirs male of their body, begotten in 
direct descent, should succeed as a lawful heir to the 
crown." 2 Now Wladislaw, a monarch who never said any- 
thing but "Dober " to the Bohemians, and "Bene" to the 
Hungarians, was old and weak, and had only issue one 
daughter. Some said he would marry her to a grandson 
of Maximilian ; others, that he was willing to give up his 
kingdom to the latter. 3 The Hungarians, however, and 
the Saxons, who dwelt amongst them, did not desire a 
German sovereign. The magnates assembled, and resolved 
that, whoever advocated the election of a foreign king, was 
a dead man; and Count John, of the house of Zapol, 
aspired to the crown for himself. Maximilian reminded 
them of their oath, and that their welfare, as also a suc- 
cessful resistance against Turkish encroachment, depended 
upon an alliance with Austria." But they gave a defiant 
answer ; they summoned, as he himself expressed it, their 
power by the bloody sword. 4 He determined to attack 

1 All in Zurita. 

2 Bonfinius, Rerum Ungaricarum Decas, v. 2, 509, and the document 
in Sambucus, Rerum Ungaricarum, Appendix, 546. 

3 Linturius, Appendix ad Rolewinkiam, in Scriptt. Struvii, 600. 
• 4 Maximilian's proclamation in Datt, 568, and in Miiller, 528. 



CH. Il] PHILIP OF CASTILE. 231 

this power, and, without ravaging the country — for other- 
wise it might become hostile to him — only to proceed 
against the magnates. On the right bank of the Danube 
he first compelled Oedenburg and the Count of Bozin, 
whose dominions extended a whole day's journey wide 
on these borders, to accept his terms. Next, during an 
eight days' truce, he passed over to the left bank and 
reduced Presburg. Having taken the island of Schiitt, 
he thought he had conquered: for "it was the heart 
of Hungary." But a message from Wladislaw to the 
effect that "he must go to his wife, who was expecting 
her confinement," was followed shortly by another that, 
" on the 1st July she had been delivered of a child, who 
though very weakly, was yet a boy." l The magnates then 
gave his people 3,000 pieces of cloth, and 2,000 head of 
oxen, and recognized his rights. 2 How was it likely that 
a boy, who had had to be placed in the smoking skins of 
freshly slain beasts, in order to be kept alive, would 
eventually survive *? 3 Maximilian left the country, but 
his prospects were saved. 

Now that Castile had been taken, and the succession in 
Hungary assured, he turned his eyes towards Italy, in order 
to receive the Imperial Crown in Eome. 

It was just about this time that he first heard for certain, 
that the betrothal between Charles and Claudia had been 
revoked by Louis XII. This was not publicly announced 
until May, 1506. The deputies of the cities, who, in the 
ofiicial account of this affair were, almost like the Cortes 
of Toro, simply styled Estates, appeared in Tours before 
the King, sitting with his prelates on his right, and his 
grandees on his left, and entreated him to agree to the 
betrothal of Claudia to Francis of Angouleme. This was 
ratified in their presence. Under their hands and seals, 
each and all, the counsellors of Bretagne with them, vowed 
to see that a marriage resulted therefrom. 4 

1 Idem, inMuller, 531. 

2 Anton, Chroniques Annales, ii. p. 11. 

3 Michael Brutus' testimony in Struve, Corpus Historic Germanicae. 

4 Recit de ce qui s'est passe, in Rbderers Memoire pour servir, etc., 
in the Appendix, p. 425, and this Memoire especially. St. Gelais, 181. 
Memoires de Fleuranges. 



232 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Maximilian then learned that the road through his fief of 
Milan had been closed to him, whilst Philip received the 
tidings that Charles of G-uelders, who had escaped from his 
retinue, had, by means of French and Aragon money, re- 
newed the war in the Netherlands. Both were extremely 
indignant. Maximilian complained that " Louis had never 
really cared about the treaty ; it was only the fiefs that 
he had coveted. He revoked the fiefs he had already 
granted in favour of his grandson Charles." l Philip was 
determined upon a general war. "My heart is not so 
cowardly, nor my relatives, and my worldly goods so in- 
significant," he wrote, " as that I could allow myself to be 
prejudiced in my good right. I would rather appeal to my 
whole party throughout Christendom, for, as I believe, it 
is stronger than that of my opponents." 2 But, firstly, 
Maximilian was resolved to break into Italy as best he 
could. His envoys, they and their attendants in full 
annour, went first to Venice, in order to entreat a peaceful 
passage. 3 But the Venetians would not allow a passage to 
the man who had so often and so publicly laid claim to 
their territory. Whilst his lansquenets were wander- 
ing about, they had time to occupy all their passes with 
infantry and cavalry. 4 Maximilian therefore hurried to 
the Carniolan ports, whither G-onzal had promised to send 
him ships ; but the latter was dissuaded by the grand 
promises made by Ferdinand. Eesolved upon daring the 
utmost, he went to the Karst in the Windish Mark, whence 
in four days the coast of Romagna could be reached, in 
confidence that the Pope would receive him with joy and 
would crown him. 

But the most unexpected calamity befell him here. On 
the 16th September, his son Philip died at Burgos, of the 
Mazucco, an infectious fever. 6 He had never felt eager 
for this journey, nor looked forward to his Crown. He 
came not to live as king, but to die. 

This death, which threw the Castilian and Netherland 

1 Proclamation, 533. 

2 Writing in the Lettres de Louis XII., i. 51. 

3 Lascari's letter in Macchiavelli, Legazioni, Opere, v. 127. 

4 Proclamation, and Bembus, Historia Veneta, 157a. 

5 The same proclamation, 540. Zurita, i. 389. 



€H. II.] FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 233 

affairs into the greatest confusion, put an end to all 
Maximilian's further schemes and projects. 



3. Ferdinand, Lord in Naples and Castile. 

Ferdinand, on seeing Castile lost to him, was seized with 
anxious apprehensions regarding Naples. 

In Naples where the kings had only swayed for short 
periods by means of their armies and the ascendency of their 
party, and where a paternal, ecclesiastical and hereditary 
monarchy was unknown, G-onzal, who had installed the 
captains of his army in rich possessions, and levied taxes as 
he thought right, enjoyed as much popularity as ever a 
king did. 1 He was dissatisfied with Ferdinand, who had 
refused to ratify his grants, and who in Spain had ap- 
pointed a Neapolitan council, which forced him to dismiss 
his G-ermans. 2 Now the Castilians maintained that Naples 
belonged to them, in that it had been conquered by their 
money and their blood. Ferdinand rejoined that his were 
the rightful claims, and that the land appertained to him. 
As a matter of fact, all depended upon whom the G-eneral 
would make lord of the country. G-onzal inclined to the 
party of Philip and the Castilians ; he refused to retain 
Philip's envoy to Julius, who was believed to be animated 
with the like feelings towards Austria. Maximilian sent a 
message to him to the effect that, " he should behave like 
a good knight of Castile, and then he should be assured of 
protection in Naples ; he could then receive for himself 
Pisa and Piombino, which he was at that time supporting." 
At this time G-onzal, as we are aware, sent his ships to the 
Carniolan ports. 3 

These circumstances filled Ferdinand the Catholic with 
apprehension. At first he was for taking G-onzal prisoner ; 
but reflected how disastrous such a step would be, were it 
to fail. 4 The day following his interview with Philip, on 
the 21st June, 1506, he took a different view of the state of 

1 Zurita, i. 320, 321, 330. 

2 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, in Muratori, xxiv. 52, 53. 

3 Zurita, ii. 30, 33, 46. 

4 Argensola, Annales de Aragon, from Alraazan's papers, p. 75. 



234 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

things, and drew up a document stating that, " lie swore 
by his royal word of honour, by God, the Cross, and the 
Gospels, to confer upon Gonzal the dignity of Grand 
Master as soon as he should return to Spain." 1 Fer- 
dinand's ambassador needed no more than ten days 
On the 2nd July Gonzal sent his reply to the King. 
" No one," he wrote, " was more anxious to live and 
die in his service than he was. For the rest of his life he 
desired to recognize no other King and master but him 
alone. This he swore by God, being a Christian, gua- 
ranteed it as a knight, confirmed it with his name, and set 
his seal thereunder." 2 He had now pledged himself, and 
Ferdinand took courage and, on the 4th September, set 
sail for Naples. But Maximilian arrived in vain at the 
Carniolan ports. 

On his way, Ferdinand received the tidings of Philip's 
death, yet this event did not induce him to abandon the en- 
terprise upon which he had embarked. On the 1st November, 
in company with his consort Gerrnana, he rode through 
the five Saggi of Naples. The nobles and ladies came out 
of their houses to kiss his hand, Gonzal giving him their 
names. 3 He that was telling their names was none other 
than the man whom he had come to take away with him, 
whilst those who kissed his hand, were in great measure 
those whose old enemies, the Angevin barons, he was about 
to recall. Bent upon accomplishing his purpose, he was oc- 
cupied so busily throughout the day, that he did not even 
allow himself time to once visit the castle garden. 

When, in the previous year, the first news of his peace 
had been brought hither, everyone lamented that such a 
shrewd King was intent upon restoring those who had al- 
ways proved so disloyal. Could his object perhaps be 
to make almost independent lords of the Sanseverini from 
Salerno to Reggio, of the Caraccioli in Apulia, of Bitonto 
in the Abruzzi, and of Trajetto on the Gariglian ? His own 
party would thus become powerless, and the royal power 
sink into insignificance. 4 But all the same he adhered to 

1 Cedula del Maestrazzo, in Zurita, 65. 

2 Carta Satisfactoria, in Zurita, 67. 

3 Passero, Giornale, p. 147. Jovii Gonsalvus, 279. 

4 Zurita, ii. 34. 



CH. II.] FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 235 

his intention. All that Don Cesar of Aragon had possessed, 
all that formerly belonged to the Borgia of Gandia, to 
Squillace and Don Juan, the portion of the dowager 
qneens, all this he acquired, either by purchase or as feudal 
lord, and divided it among the injured parties. The knights 
who had conquered the country had now to retire from 
their new possessions and content themselves with compensa- 
tion in money. 1 Dignities and incomes were not even spared. 
Difficult though the task was, he succeeded in carrying it 
through, thus satisfying among others also the plenipo- 
tentiary of France, who took part in the transaction. He 
restored all the exiles, princes, counts, and barons to their 
own, and reinstated among them Sannazar, Federigo's most 
faithful follower, in his country seat of Margolina, whose 
beauties, hill and slope, brook and dale, he had so often 
sung. 

This settlement assured him the possession of Naples 
more securely than many victories would have done. The 
real object of contention between the rival parties was pro- 
perty, from which each was ever being ousted by the other : 
of this he made an end. He contrived to keep the Colonna 
in obedience and to win over the Orsini to his side again. 
It was, perchance, owing to the marriages which, as we 
have seen, were constantly taking place between the Anjou 
and Spanish families, between Sanseverini and Villa- 
hermosas, and between the Bisignans and Bichesenzas, 2 
that from this year forth the nobles of Naples remained 
loyal to a distant King. Henceforward the chronicles of 
Naples teem with accounts of the wonders done by a pic- 
ture, to which pilgrimages were made barefooted and which 
was often presented with golden chains, with stories of 
murders and marriages, or it may be of an insurrection 
which broke out against a royal official, of a new law, or of 
a despotic landlord. 3 

With respect to Gonzal, Ferdinand issued a letter ad- 
dressed to all princes and barons, and all men living and 
hereafter to come : " Through glorious deeds of bravery and 
generosity, G-onzal had regained for his crown the kingdom 
this side of the Faro ; that he had governed it with un- 

1 Zurita, f. 112, 114. 2 Passero, 163, 176 

3 Passero, 150, 155, 167 f. 



'236 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

wavering loyalty, and that he, the King, was his great 
debtor." 1 lie then demanded of the Pope his sanction of 
the Grand Mastership he purposed to confer on him, but, 
" it must," he urged, " be kept secret, that the thirteen 
Electors do not oppose it." 2 To please him, he took from 
the faithful and reliable Spinello, who was an enemy of 
G-onzal, the office of accountant of the realm. 3 He gladly 
allowed Gonzal's retinue to outshine that of his own royal 
person. But, as soon as he had attained his object, when 
on the 4th June, 1507, he saw him take leave of all the 
nobles and ladies, who had accompanied him to the shore, 
and embark on one of his ships, he then felt himself recom- 
pensed for all his duplicity and deprivation, and he gradu- 
ally laid aside the mask. Spinello received a letter with 
the superscription : " To the Count of Cariati," and with it 
a fuller share of administrative power than he had ever 
en j oyed. The Grand Mastership was never mentioned again. 4 
Whenever Gonzal's friends said, " The great ship is run- 
ning aground," he would reply, " The tide will raise it 
again." ° On one occasion afterwards he had hope for it, 
but it never came to pass. The life of man is a long growth, 
a short bloom, a long decay ; the first is full of hope, the last 
full of regrets. Gonzal had to content himself in Loxa 
with thinking on his daughter's marriage, and in keeping 
up communication with the world by letter. Then he often 
thought how he had once conducted Federigo's son and 
Cesar to Spain, and how he at last had returned home in 
the same manner. Both these actions he regretted, and a 
third that he did not mention. 6 

At length real Monarch of Naples, and G-onzal safe on 
his ships, Ferdinand hurried to Castile, which Philip's 
death had plunged into great confusion. 

Before this occurrence, the old hereditary factions of the 
Nunez and Gramboa, whose heads were JSTajara and the 
Condestable, had already again showed themselves among 
the grandees. 7 What was next to come depended chiefly 



Escritara, in Zurita, 139. - Zurita, 128. 

! ' Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 56. 
1 Jovii Gonsalvus, 282. Passero, 149. 

' J. Ovonius, in Jovius, 286. 6 Jovii Gonsalvus, 290, 291, 274. 

' Petrus Martyr, epp. 317, 331. 






CH. II. 1 FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 237 

upon the Queen's state of health. The disease from which 
she was suffering first declared itself on Philip's journey 
to Lyons, that is in the year 1503. After taking leave of hiin 
with many tears, she never more raised her eyes, or said a 
word, save that she wished to follow him. 1 When she learnt 
that he had obtained a safe conduct for her also, she heeded 
her mother no longer, but ordered her carriage to proceed to 
Bayonne ; thence — for horses were refused her — she at- 
tempted to set out on foot ; and, when the gate was closed, she 
remained, in spite of the entreaties of her attendant ladies 
and her father confessor, in her light attire sitting upon 
the barrier until late into the November night ; it was only 
her mother who at length contrived to persuade her to 
seek her chamber. 2 At last she found her husband. She 
found him devoted to a beautiful girl with fair hair. In 
a momentary outburst of jealous passion, she had the 
girl's hair cut off. Philip did not conceal his vexation. 3 
Here — who can fathom the unexplored depths of the 
soul, see where it unconsciously works, and where it un- 
consciously surfers, who can discover where the root of its 
health or sickness lies ? — her mind became overshadowed. 
In Spain her love for Philip, and in the Netherlands her 
reverence for her father were her guiding passions : these two 
feelings possessed her whole being, alternately influenced 
her, and excluded the rest of the world. Since then, she still 
knew the affairs of ordinary life, and could portray vividly 
and accurately to her mind distant things ; but she knew 
not how to suit herself to the varying circumstances of life. 4 
Whilst still in the Netherlands, she expressed the wish 
that her father should retain the government in his hands. 
On her return to Spain, she entered her capital in a black 
velvet tunic and with veiled face ; she would frequently sit 
in a dark room, her cap drawn half over her face, wishing 
to be able only to speak for once with her father." But it 
was not until after her husband's death that her disease be- 
came fully developed. 6 She caused his corpse to be brought 

1 Petrus Martyr, xv. p. 144. Gomez, 972. 2 Zurita, i. 271. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Ep„ 272. i Gomez, 999. Zurita, ii. 28. 

5 Zurita, ii. 47, 73. 

6 In the year 1868 no little sensation was caused by an assertion put 
forward by a certain G. Bergenroth, who was employed by the English. 



238 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

into a hall, attired in half Flemish, half Spanish dress, and 
the obsequies celebrated over it. She never, the while, gave 
vent to a sob. She did not shed tears, but only sat and 
laid her hand to her chin. The plague drove her away 

Calendar Commission to make researches among the records of Simancas, 
which assertion was diametrically opposed to the views here given by me, 
and which are generally accepted. In his work, " Supplement to vol. i. 
and vol. ii. of letters, despatches, and state papers relating to the nego- 
tiations between England and Spain " (cf. treatise in Sybel's Hist. Zeit- 
schrift xx. p. 231), he attempts to prove that Johanna's madness was a 
mere mvth, invented in order to exclude her from the succession in Cas- 
tile either in favour of her father or her husband. Queen Isabella, he 
uro-'es, had already intended this, induced by defects in the Catholic faith, 
of which Johanna had given proof. All this he attempted to prove by 
correspondence, which had been hitherto carefully concealed, but which 
had come at last into his hands in Simancas. In the first place he refers to 
the correspondence of the Sub-prior of Santa Cruz, Tomas de Matienzo, 
who was despatched to the Netherlands in 1498, in order to inform him- 
self' as to the state of the then Archduchess. A clerical question is here 
really involved. The Archduchess made her confession to certain 
brothers of a monasterial order, who did not belong to the strict ritual, 
but, being bound to no monastery, proceeded to the Netherlands, and 
thence back to Paris, whence they had come. The Archduchess had, 
under the circumstances, made them a considerable present. Now 
her old teacher and father confessor in Spain, who had remained there, 
reminded her that in this way she was not caring for the welfare of her 
soul. She should treat no one as her father confessor who even pos- 
sessed or accepted property worth a pin's point ; she ought only to make 
presents to the monasterial convents, who in return therefore would 
busy themselves with the welfare of her soul. Now that Sub-prior, as 
being a monk of the strictest observance was destined for her confessor. 
In spite of a very cool reception, he succeeded all the same in ingratiat- 
ing himself with the Archduchess. Following on his first reports, in 
which he describes himself as being severely offended, came others, in 
which he expresses himself as quite satisfied. He could find no fault 
with the religious bearing of the princess ; her Court even, he declared, 
reminded him of monasterial discipline. What she was accused of was 
chiefly a want of strict surveillance over her household, under which the 
Spaniards had specially to suffer. First of all he was struck by the fact 
that the Archduchess never mentioned her relations. Later she said she 
did not care to mention her mother, Isabella, for that she pined so greatly 
for her that she could not avoid giving way to tears whenever she thought 
of her. We are very grateful to Bergenroth for the communication of 
this correspondence, which contains much welcome and reliable informa- 
tion.' Only he ought not to have regarded the Sub-prior as an Inquisitor 
of faith ; for there is nothing in the whole story but petty jealousies be- 
tween monks. There is not a trace to be found therein of facts, which 
could cause the Queen to feel any scruples respecting the succession of 
her daughter in Spain. If Isabella later entertained any such scruples, 



CH. II.] FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 239 

from Burgos, but not away from her loved corpse. A 
monk had once told her that he knew of a king who awoke 
to life after being fourteen years dead. She took the corpse 
about with her. Four Frisian stallions drew the coffin, 
which was conveyed at night, surrounded by torches. 
Sometimes it halted, and the singers sang wailing songs. 

they were due to Johanna's extraordinary behaviour in Spain which 
I have already alluded to, and which certainly awoke doubts as to her 
healthy condition. Yet her insanity was of a melancholic character, a 
sort of monomania as regarded her husband, a state of health which 
modern psychiatric investigations have proved never develops into mad- 
ness. It was a matter of doubt whether she was insane at all or not. She 
is sometimes declared to have been so ; whilst other observers never 
noticed anything of it. When the proposal was made in Castile to ex- 
clude her from the government and to pass it instead to her husband, one 
of the Grandees of the realm, the Almirante of Castile, was opposed to 
the plan. He had an audience of the Queen, in which she gave, though 
short, yet sensible replies, so that he contrived to defeat this proposal in 
the Cortes. She was always a subject of variance between the parties in 
Castile after the death of her husband, but still more so after her father's 
decease. From the correspondence which passed between the Marquis 
of Denia and the Emperor Charles V. touching her state, as well as from 
sundry other documents, it has been attempted to prove to satisfaction that 
the poor princess was subjected to the direst ill-treatment. Denia is said 
to have asserted that she had even been put to the rack by her mother. 
It is likewise said that her father, whenever she refused to take food 
because her will had not been performed, had her put to the rack. " She 
was to be put to the rack to preserve her life." But as a matter of fact the 
Spanish words of the text, p. 143, " Dar cuerda por conservarle la vida," 
have an opposite meaning. The King had given orders that in such 
cases she was to be humoured, in order to preserve her life. The word 
" dar cuerda " can still less bear the meaning attributed to it, as it has 
no pronoun attached to it. Just as little have the words " hazer pre- 
mie," in the passage, the meaning attributed to them (cf. Bergenroth, 
405 note), they signify a coercion, which may certainly have been em- 
ployed upon her under certain circumstances, but in the manner pre- 
viously recommended by Denia. In order to remove her from Torde- 
sillas, which favoured the " Communeros," she was to be placed in a 
carriage at night and conveyed to Arevalo, which city was loyal to the 
Crown. For her state was such that the party of the Communeros en- 
deavoured to oppose the mother to the son, who was now Emperor, and 
which involved danger for the latter. We may reject Bergenroth's 
conclusions with all possible certainty, prompted as they are by prejudice 
and a not unjustifiable hate of the Inquisition. . This latter does not come 
here into question at all, but only that state of health of the Queen, 
which, in spite of long intervals, when she evinced interest in matters 
and shewed good sense, yet really rendered her incapable of governing. 
This opinion has come and gone like a meteor. (Note to 2nd Ed.) 



240 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK, II. 

Having thus come to Furnillos, a small place of fourteen 
or fifteen houses, she perceived there a pretty house with 
a fine view, and remained there : " For it was unseemly for 
a widow to live in a populous city." There she retained 
the members of the Government, who had been installed, 
the Grandees of her Court dwelling with her. Round the 
coffin she gave her audiences. 1 

After Philip's decease there existed as good as no sove- 
reign power in Castile. At first the Grandees of both fac- 
tions entered into an agreement under Ximenes, at all 
events for three months. 2 But as the Condestable and his 
party were desirous of inviting the King of Aragon, whilst 
Najaraand his partisans were for appealing to the German 
King to undertake the administration of the kingdom in 
the name of the young Charles, seeing that the Cortes 
could not be constitutionally convened for deliberative pur- 
poses without the royal name, the result was that the 
whole country resolved itself into factions. One party 
actually did invite Ferdinand, and the other Maximilian. 
The first boasted that " the Catholic King would come and 
punish all his enemies ;" the others, that " the father would 
be received like the son, and given an aid of 2,000 lances.'* 
Pimentel said : " I have two suits of armour, but I will use 
up both before I will tolerate the Aragon in Castile." 
Thereupon, throughout the whole country, the old feuds 
burst out afresh between the Ayalas and Sylvas at Toledo, 
the Arias and Lassos at Madrid, and the Benavides and 
Caravajals in Ubeda. Some seized strongholds, and ex- 
claimed, " Castilla, Castilla for Queen Juana." These were 
Ferdinand's partisans. Galicia and Asturia both adhered 
to their princes, and hoped for Maximilian's coming. At 
court the heads of both these parties, the Condestable and 
Najara, were armed ; their troops were constantly arrayed 
against each other. 3 

In this crisis the nation might well congratulate itself 
that it still possessed one powerful man, belonging to no 
party, the Archbishop Ximenes, of Toledo. His position 

1 Petrus Martyr, 316, 8 ; 320, 4, 8 ; 332, 5. 

2 Escritura in Zurita, ii. f. 81. 

3 Zurita, f. 88, 99, 107, 134. Llorente, Histoire de PInquisitioD, i. 
348. Petrus Martyr, 343. 



CH. II.] FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 241 

he had won for himself; and it, accordingly, merits a 
short review. 

Ximenes, the son of a lawyer, versed in both theological 
and juristic science, and somewhile resident at Rome, had 
already received appointments at the hands of Mendoza 
and Cifuentes, two of Isabella's partisans. The former 
had made him vicar of his bishopric, and the latter 
governor of his county, when he bade adieu to his brilliant 
career, and retired into a Minorite monastery not far 
from Toledo. Here he went about barefooted, dressed in 
sackcloth, slept on a scanty layer of straw, and scourged 
himself frequently. In his happier hours he might be seen 
lying under some broad- spreading chestnut tree, in order to 
shield himself from the rays of the sun, which in those 
climes blazed so fiercely. He often reclined in the high grass, 
the Bible in hand, or else knelt and prayed. Here he ex- 
perienced all the anguish and ecstasy of a solitary soul seek- 
ing God. But this was the way to his advancement. The 
Queen chose him for her father confessor ; and then this 
man, tall of stature, pale and thin, with deep- set, piercing 
eyes, an aquiline nose, and a smooth forehead even in his old 
age, might be seen now and again visiting the court in his 
cowl, and hearing the Queen's confessions, after which he 
would retire again to the monastery. On one occasion, in 
the year 1495, he had just finished conducting the spiritual 
exercises of the Queen during Lent, and had just bidden 
his companion, Francis Euyz to cook some vegetables, and 
saddle the asses to return, — for they intended to spend 
Good Friday in the monastery at Okanna — when he was a 
second time summoned to the Queen's presence, and re- 
ceived from her hands a letter with the Papal seal and the 
superscription : "To our brother Francis, the Archbishop 
of Toledo elect." Isabella, on the look-out for an arch- 
bishop, who had no illustrious relations, who would not 
entail property, nor spend his income in a way other than 
it was originally intended to be expended, viz., in the 
defence of Granada and the coasts, and in every Moorish 
war, had elected him. He exclaimed, " This is not intended 
for me," and rode away unperturbed to his monastery. A 
second command of the Pope at length forced him to 
accept the dignity ; another advising him to comport 



242 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

himself accordingly. After that, he began to wear a silken 
outer dress, whilst his under covering remained monkish ; 
to wear valuable fur, but of ashen grey colour, in order 
that it should remind him of his duties ; to use soft and 
luxurious beds, and to keep a considerable staff of ser- 
vants, and a fool — a sort of clever dwarf. But he himself 
often slept as he formerly did ; and in the palace itself he 
maintained certain monks, to whom he spoke of nothing 
but of G-od and strict discipline, and for whose observance 
he drew up a table, teaching them how to abstain from 
worldly things. 

In this union of spiritual and temporal things he lived 
his life. He spoke but very little, and scarcely ever laughed. 
His life was action and accomplishment : it forms a forcible 
contrast to the sufferings of the Queen. We read how, on 
one occasion, he came from the synod of his diocese, where 
he had been reading daily mass and directing all the eccle- 
siastical business, to the Aragon Cortes, and induced them 
to swear ; this done, how he proceeded without delay to lay 
the foundation of the University of Alcala, which was 
all his doing, a work the King envied him ; and how 
that thence he hied to Granada to convert the Moors, re- 
turned, and received (1502) the new Prince at Toledo. 
And then we are told how, instead of sitting at tourna- 
ments, he searched the manuscripts in his library, renewed 
the Mosarabic liturgy, discussed with seven learned men 
the plan of the Complutensian polyglot, and also helped to 
found a society which every night searched the streets to 
see if any deserving poor were in need of shelter. To-day 
he would draw up a plan for a campaign in Africa, and on 
the morrow one for founding a convent, and would carry 
both into execution. His letters, dealing with the affairs of 
State, were sealed with the image of St. Francis. 1 

This man, who, it is generally believed, induced Isa- 
bella to order in her will a mitigation of the Alcavala for 
the cities, and who was yet the first of all prelates and 
•grandees, stood midway between the conflicting parties. 
He was not, as we have seen, successful in reconciling 
Philip and Ferdinand. But now, at least, he contrived to 

1 All from Ximenes' life by Alvar Gomez de Castro, of Toledo, in 
Schott's Hispania illustrata. 



CH. II.] FERDINAND, LORD IN NAPLES AND CASTILE. 243 

prevent an open civil war. He had also a guard, which 
was equipped in the Swiss style ; 1 his horsemen might be 
seen riding out daily to exercise. New weapons continually 
arrived from the Asturian forges ; and at last he brought 
it to pass that all other troops, save his own, quitted the 
court. 

Now it was a matter of great import that Ximenes de- 
clared himself for Ferdinand. The Catholic King, probably, 
wished rather to reward him than gain him over by the 
dignity of Cardinal, which he had procured for him. 2 Maxi- 
milian's advent would beyond all doubt have resulted in 
the perfect disorganization of Castile, a war on all sides, 
and the most violent domestic strife. And when could or 
should Maximilian come, tied as he was by a Reichstag, 
weakened by revolt in the Netherlands, and fettered by 
an Italian campaign ? Ximenes decided for Ferdinand. 
The most powerful men in the land listened to his advice. 
Tillena, who had at first been almost heart and soul for 
Philip, came to him : " Is it right what the King demands ? 
Swear to me that it is so." The Archbishop swore to him 
that it was right ; thereupon whilst still clasping his hand, 
he vowed to serve King Ferdinand in his government. 3 
The rest of the opposition of the G-randees Ferdinand con- 
trived, in almost every case, to overcome by the grant of 
favours, so much so indeed, that his loyal supporters became 
quite jealous. Pimontel also gave in on receiving an " En- 
comienda " and a salary of 12,000 maravedi per annum. 4 
Accordingly, in August, 1507, after having been absent a 
year, Ferdinand entered Castile without encountering any 
resistance, with Alcalds and Alquazils, his Mazzi and 
heralds ; the G-randees hastened to kiss his hand. In the 
North there were still left several, whom neither he nor 
Ximenes had been able to gain over. They fled and lost 
their castles ; Najara lost all save one. " And now," said 
Ferdinand, *' we will open a new account together." In 
Andalusia, Priego and Griron were in open revolt. He 
deprived them also of their castles. The Inquisition abated 
its rigour somewhat, and Ximenes, whom the King had 

1 Zurita, f. 119, 120. 2 Breve, in Gomez. 

3 Letter of the King to Villena, in Zurita, 1 10. Also in the same, 142. 

4 Zurita, ii. 133. 



244 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

appointed Grand Inquisitor, acquitted all the accused 
Luzeros. 1 

In Tortoles the King met his daughter. As soon as 
they set eyes on each other, the father took off his hat, and 
the daughter her mourning veil. When she prostrated 
herself to kiss his feet, and he sank on one knee to recog- 
nize her royal dignity, they embraced and opened their 
hearts to each other. He shed tears. Tears she had none, 
but she granted his desire ; only she would not consent 
to bury the corpse. " Why so soon ? " she inquired. Nor 
would she go to Burgos where she had lost her husband. 
He took her to Tordesillas. Here the Queen of such vast 
realms lived for forty-seven years. She educated her 
youngest daughter, gazed from the window upon the grave 
of her dear departed, and prayed for his eternal happiness. 
Her soul never more disclosed itself to the world. 2 

These are the struggles engendered of the Neapolitan 
war through the pretensions of the house of Austria. 
Maximilian, owing chiefly to the opposition of Louis, who 
declared that he would consider everyone who recognized 
him his enemy, and, if he were a subject of his own, 
guilty of high treason, could at first not even obtain the 
guardianship over his grandchildren in the Netherlands. 3 
At last, however, in 1507, he obtained it, when new dangers 
threatened from G-uelders and from the French coast, and 
made his assistance desirable. But in Spain and Italy 
Ferdinand was triumphant. He at once turned his newly 
consolidated power against the outer world and foreign 
nations. 



4. Ferdinand's external Enterprises. 

Prior to the commencement of the Neapolitan war of 
1501, the Xeque of G-erba had offered allegiance to the 
Spaniards, together with the whole coast line lying be- 
tween Tripolis and Tunis. Isabella had often repented 

1 Zurita, 143, 148, 163. Moreover, Llorente, i. 352. 

2 Petrus Martyr, 359. Zurita, 144. 

3 Letter of Louis in the Lettres de Louis XII., i. 106, 107. 



ch. ii.] Ferdinand's external enterprises. 245 

that Naples had at that time been preferred. Directly 
the first pause came between Ferdinand's reconciliation 
with France, in 1505, and Philip's arrival, Ximenes urged 
the renewal of the Moorish war, and himself subscribed 
the fourth part of the expense of fitting out a fleet, 
which attacked and took the great harbour of Macar- 
quivir, a splendid station of the African trade. His atten- 
tion had first been drawn to this place by a Venetian ; 
Lopez el Zagal was the first to spring on land. 1 But the 
great domestic disturbances, at all events in Andalusia, 
had not been completely suppressed, when the Moorish 
pirates were driven away from Yelez and the rock lying 
before it. But as soon as tranquillity had been restored 
at home, and Ferdinand was no longer occupied by his 
Italian enmities, he again commenced greater operations in 
the interest of universal Christendom. To these belong 
also the colonization of America. Hitherto the Spaniards 
had been content to explore the islands and bays of the 
West Indies, to look for gold, to fish for pearls, and to 
preach Christianity peacefully. All these operations had 
been conducted by an admiral from a colony in St. Do- 
mingo. In the year 1509, Ferdinand having heard of the 
barbarous habits of the wild cannibals there, appointed 
two governors, Hoieda for the coast of Carthagena, and 
Niquesa for Veragua. 2 Their duties were : " to make 
the Indians his vassals and good Christians, but, should 
this be impossible, to reduce them to slavery or extermi- 
nate them." The governors themselves were not fortu- 
nate ; but some of their companions founded a colony upon 
Darien, to which, in honour of the image of Maria An- 
tigua at Seville, they gave the name of Antigua. Nunez 
Balboa, a man who was reserved for great discoveries, 3 
became its head. 

But at the time of which we speak, the operations in 
Africa appeared to be of greater moment both for Spain and 
Europe : yet the other was greater both in respect of the 

1 Zurita, i. ii. 26. 

2 Sommario dell' Indie Occidentali di Don Pietro Martire, in Ramusio, 
Viaggi, iii. 18. Benzoni, Nova? novi orbis historian, a Calvetone latin* 
facta?, p. 72. 

3 Pietro Martire. f. 21. 



246 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

exertion expended upon it, as also of the successful results. 
On the eve of Ascension-day, 1509, Ximenes and Pedro 
Navarra set sail with their fleet and landed on the day 
following at Oran, before which city they found 12,000 
Moorish knights gathered ready to defend it. " Shall we 
attack to-day ? " asked Navarra. " Immediately," re- 
turned Ximenes. Before him the Cross was borne, and 
his monks, with swords over their cassocks, also advanced 
in line. The Galicians first stormed the heights, and 
maintained themselves there ; then, strengthened by the 
other troops, they drove the enemy back upon the water 
reservoirs of the city. Here they awaited their artillery. 
They fought with this at a distance, and with their swords 
at close quarters. The enemy at length turned and fled. 
Whilst the enemy was being driven past its own city, other 
troops landed from the ships and took it. Thereupon the 
Spanish ensigns floated from the walls of Oran, and the 
troops shouted, " Africa ! Africa for our lord, the King 
of Spain ! " Ximenes, to whose prayers the victory was 
attributed, " owing to them the sun had stood still and 
had shone brightly over them, whilst gloom was spread 
over the Moors," consecrated the Grand Mosque as a 
Church of St. Maria de la Vitoria. 3 

Again, on the 1st January, 1510, in honour, as the 
Sj>aniards said, of the Saviour and His Mother, and of the 
Apostle St. James, and the knight, St. George, of blessed 
memory, Pedro Navarra, set sail from Ivica. On this 
occasion he was very successful. Bugia, a great and 
wealthy city, full of mosques, schools, hospitals, inns, and 
all manner of prosperity, was taken by him at the first 
assault. Xeque, Almoxarife, Alcadi, Musti, and all the 
Alfaquis of Algiers surrendered their city under the con- 
dition, that Ferdinand should not demand a single farthing 
more in contributions than the Moorish king had received, 
and would leave them their laws. Tedelitz surrendered. 
Muley Yahya, King of Tenez, promised to come as Ferdi- 
nand's vassal, as often as he should be summoned to the 
Cortes, or to the wars. At last Navarra, with brigantines, 
sloops, and barks, succeeded, one evening, in forcing his 

1 Zurita, ii. 180-182, whence Mariana, 275-287. Gomez, 1025. 



ch. ii.] Ferdinand's external enterprises. 247 

way into the harbour of Tripolis, and on the following 
day, between nine and one, in taking this great city. 1 

But before all else it was now imperative to conquer 
Tremecen, Tunis, and the island of Gerba; then the 
African coast would be assured to the Spaniards. The 
King of Tremecen, a great potentate, swore with his 
Mezvar and Cadi, to pay an annual tribute of 13,000 
Doblas in good gold. In Sicily, preparations were going 
on against Tunis. Garsia, Alba's eldest son, attacked 
G-erba. Garsia had to pay for his daring with his 
life on the burning sands. 2 But Ferdinand was for 
setting out in person to take over the command of the 
army. Only when the interior of the country was his, 
could he be certain of securing the harbours and coasts. 
This accomplished, his intention was to continue his holy 
campaign as far as Alexandria, the next city to Tripolis, 
and thence to the holy temple of Jerusalem. For this ob- 
ject, the Cortes of Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia voted 
an aid of 500,000 pounds, which, considering their liberties, 
was a very considerable sum. A thousand English mus- 
keteers also joined in the expedition. The rupture between 
the Mores and Alarabs along the whole coast gave prospects 
of a great success, and they bethought themselves of an 
old prophecy, that ancient Carthage with its harbour would 
now fall into the hands of the Christians. 3 

With these hopes in his breast, Ferdinand set out for 
Malaga, in the year 1511, in order to begin the campaign. 
But on the way thither he was overtaken by ambassadors 
from Italy, who brought him such tidings from Bomagna 
that his plans were turned into other channels. 

1 Zurita, ii. 211, 212, f. 

2 Zurita, 230. Fazellus, Historiae Siculse, 597. 

3 Zurita, 227. Senarega, Annates Genuenses, 608. 



CHAPTEE III. 

OF VENICE AND JULIUS II. 

THE development of the Roniagnan question resulted in 
a general war. Once more Venice shows herself in 
the fulness of her might : independent, vigorous, and with 
comprehensive and grand ideas and aspirations. A general 
consideration of her position is accordingly indispensable. 1 



1. Commerce, Conquest, the Venetian Constitution ; attach 
upon the Bomagna. 

The lagoons were originally covered with low mud hovels, 
having scarcely an aperture to admit of light and air, and 
full of poor fugitives. 2 About the year 1500, there were to 
be seen there about seventy-two churches, built of stone, 
and glittering with gold, whilst three broad canals were 
flanked by palace on palace, all faced with variegated and 
white marble. 3 Even humble people slept on beds of 
walnut wood, behind green silk curtains, ate from silver, 
and went forth in golden chains and rings. 4 The West 
and East paid tribute here on their wares, before they were 
bartered and exchanged. Many large islands and splendid 
cities received hence their governors. 

To this pitch of prosperity it had come through conquest 
and commerce ; but its commerce was the original source 

1 I refrain from making any additions, acquired from recent research, 
to my original description. They will, I conceive, find a place in a later 
yolume of my works. (Note to 2nd Ed.) 

2 Sansovino, Venetia, p. 140. 

3 Comines, Me moires, 479. 

4 Sansovino. Hence Splendor Venetiarum clarissimus, in Grsevii 
Thesaurus, v. 3, p. 282. 



CH. III.] THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 249 

of its greatness. Just as those fishermen themselves 
originally belonged to the Greek, that is the Eastern, 
Empire, whilst the first territory they acquired for their 
sustenance belonged to the Lombard, i.e., the Western 
Empire, and they were thus vassals to both, so now did 
the essence of their present trade lie in the connection of 
the distant East with the distant West. It was carried on 
in the following manner : — 

As soon as the public galleys were ready for sea, and 
delivered over to those of the " Nobili," who, summoned 
by the cry of the heralds, had offered the best prices, some, 
according to primaeval custom, sailed to Alexandria and the 
Black Sea, and others to Africa and the West. 1 The first 
were laden with copper and mercury from Hungary, with 
German steel, with alum from Italy, and velvet, camelot, 
cloth, mirrors, beads, and glass from their own city, each 
cargo worth 100,000 ducats. 2 In Alexandria, the watch- 
men on the tower looked out for their arrival, and signalled 
it to the toll-gatherer. The chief business was done in 
Cairo, in the Khan el Halili, the Persian merchants' -hall. 3 
Thither, the caravans from Mecca brought the fine spices 
from the Moluccas, the silk of Bengal, cinnamon from 
Ceylon, pepper from Malabar, precious stones and stained 
wood from the Deccan, and pearls from Bahrein. In 
case the Indians preferred consigning their goods to the 
caravans through Cabul and Persia, to Derbend, the gate 
of gates, and to Azov, rather than to the sea, 4 or if the 
dwellers on the coast of Asia Minor produced anything 
rare or useful, like the goat's hair of Angora, this they 
fetched from Ayas or Azov. They conveyed all to the 
halls on the Eialto. 

The Western galleys, on their part, did not export the 
same wares as the Eastern ; these they left to the Western 
nations to fetch for themselves. Their cargoes were cloth 

1 Petrus Martyr, Legatio Babylonica (to Cairo), in 1502. Basil, 
1533, p. 7. 

2 Sommario de' Begni, Citta, etc. in Bamusio, Viaggi, i. 324. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Legatio Babylonica, 80. Leo, Descriptio Africae, 
in Bamusio, 83. 

4 Pegoletti, Awisaraento del Viaggio and Aloigi di Giovanni, in 
Sprengel's Geschickte der Entdeckungen, 253, 257. Bitter's Geography, 
ii. 859. 



250 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

and metal, gold chains for France, wax candles for the 
Spanish churches, fiddle- strings from Pacasto, and glass 
from Murano. In G-erba they owned a great house close 
to the castle, in Tunis they shared with Genoese and Cata- 
lans, a whole suburb of the town ; in Oran and Temslan 
they did a great trade. Hence their goods found their 
way to the interior of the Soudan, to Timbuctoo, where 
the women wore veils of Venetian manufacture, and to 
G-ago, where their most inferior cloth fetched one, and 
their scarlet forty, ducats the yard, and hither came the 
gold in return, which they sent back to the East. 1 In 
Malaga they loaded silk and grain, and wool also, though 
this latter they principally fetched from England. They 
even penetrated as far as Flanders and Denmark. It is 
computed that, besides these public vessels, nearly 3,000 
private ships were engaged in trading with these same 
coasts, yet chiefly with other ports. Their trading capital, 
some considerable time previously, had amounted to 
28,800,000 ducats. 2 

All this was controlled by the most rigorous laws. 
Save in the Fondaco, where the German cities had each 
their separate vaults, which they let to several business 
houses, 3 no one was allowed to trade with Germans, and 
only here such as were, as they expressed it, internal and 
external citizens. No vassal city was allowed to sell for 
export to, or buy from, foreign parts, except in Venice. 
No galley might stay away longer than a definite and 
precise time. 4 A law obtained that an emigrating manu- 
facturer should at first be induced to return by per- 
suasion, in case he did not obey, by the arrest of his 
relations, and, if he did not then return, he should be put 
to death. 5 By such measures their city was preserved as 
the source of trade and commerce. 

It was necessity that prompted their first conquests. In 

1 Paruta, Storia Venetiana, iv. 117, whence all in Lebret, the history 
of the Venetian State, ii. 1046. Moreover, Leo, Africanus, Descriptio 
Africse, in Ramusio, f. 70, 66, 58, 78, 79. 

2 Daru, Histoire de Venise, iii. 189, p. 51 from Filiasi. 

3 Document in the Records of Ratisbon, iv. ii. p. 141. 

4 Teutori, Saggio sopra 1' historia Venetiana, i. 126 ; ii. 80, 85. 

5 Six-and-twentieth art. of the Inquisition Laws in Daru, iii. 90. 



CH. III.] THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 251 

this province they were not always fortunate, and the war in 
1379 left them little more than Negropont, Coron, Modon, 
and Candia. But, after that time, fortune and shrewdness 
opened to them a new way. 

After the decease of Charles de la Pace, when one faction 
in Corfu did not desire to be reigned over by his son 
Ladislas, the people bethought themselves how frequently 
they had seen the victorious standard of Venice in their 
waters, and raised the ensign of the lion and founded 
a church to Michael, as an everlasting memorial. The 
same Ladislas, in the midst of the contention between the 
Horvaths and the Hungarian Queens, sold to them Zara, 
where he had been crowned. 1 For fear of the despot 
of Servia, Cattaro sent its Chancellor and begged for a 
Venetian magistrate who should judge according to the old 
laws. Filled with like apprehensions, Spalatro and Trau 
were delivered over to them by the citizens, Argos, Napoli 
di Romania, Patras, Lepanto, and ever so many other cities 
besides, were made over to them by their princes for 
money. Athens received a garrison from Venice ; and, 
in consequence of a quarrel with his father, a prince of 
Constantinople delivered Saloniki into their keeping. 2 

And so it went on. Veglia refused to obey either a 
Frangipani, whether JSTicolo or John, and preferred their 
rule. During a feud between the Queens Carlota and 
Catharina, they gained Cyprus. 3 

Their policy was as follows : whenever their neighbors 
became involved in differences or were in peril, they 
appeared on the scene, and offered the one protection and 
the other money ; thus effecting their subjugation. 

The same process they followed in Italy. To begin with, 
when the quarrel between Cividal d'Austria and Udine 
had convulsed the whole of Frioli, and the neighbouring 
States became likewise involved, it happened one day that 
the citizens of Treviso, and all the peasants, who had come 
into the city to defend it, shouted " San Marco ! " and de- 
livered themselves into the hand of the Venetian captain. 

1 Sanuto, Chronica Venetiana, 543, 844. 

2 Navagero, Chronicon Venetum, 1075, 1080. Daru, from MSS. 
ii. 99. 

3 Navagero, in detail, 1137-1198, 1203. 



252 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

This incident brought about the subjection of the whole of 
Frioli. This enterprise was not without sufficient motive, 
for they needed a market in the vicinity for their daily 
supplies of food. But should they then, when the Yisconti, 
in feud with the Carrara, offered them their cities of 
Yerona, Feltre, and Belluno, implicate themselves in the 
general Italian movements, so full of storm, insecurity, and 
danger as they were ? All who stood in any relation to the 
Carrara, must first be excluded from the Pregadi, before 
the Doge and Francis Foscari, the head of the Forty, could 
carry the day by the preponderating voice of a single bal- 
lot. Yicenza raised the standard of Yenice. On the 12th 
July, 1405, there appeared on the square of St. Mark before 
the Doge and governing body twenty-two envoys from 
Yerona on horseback, all dressed in white, bearing the 
seal of their country, the three keys of the city for the 
three estates, the white staff (the symbol of sovereignty), 
and two ensigns ; and having delivered these insignia over, 
they took the oath of allegiance. The Doge answered them, 
"" Ye are come from darkness into light," and gave them a 
gold embroidered standard of St. Mark. They shouted 
" San Marco," and rode back home. The Paduans, being 
in sore need, were allowed by Francis Carrara to do their 
wish, and they, having stipulated the maintenance of 
their liberties, surrendered to Yenice. 1 

In Yenice there was not entire satisfaction at this policy. 
Upon the mosaic floor of the Church of St. Mark, two lions 
may be seen depicted ; one in the sea, great, strong, and 
courageous, the other on land, thin and weak ; a picture 
symbolizing widespread views and opinions. The Doge 
Mocenigo was especially opposed to every new enterprise. 
" For whoever conquered," as he expressed himself, " sought 
•evil and found it too. He, for his part, would not maintain 
people with great billhooks in order to ravage this beauti- 
ful garden of Milan, which brought them in some millions 
every year. Did the conquests they had already made, re- 
coup the expenditure ? He prayed G-od, our Lady, and 
St. Mark for peace." So long as he lived, but no longer, 
his opinion was wise. 2 A man of opposite views and ideas, 

1 Navagero, 1070. Sanuto, 794-831. Bilue's Historia Patriae, 32. 

2 Arrenghi, in Sanuto, 949, 958. Sansovino, Venetia. 



CH. III.] THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 25& 

a man of whom he had warned his countrymen, Foscari,, 
was chosen to succeed him. He made use of the mis- 
understanding between Philip of Milan and Carmagnuola, 
in order with the latter' s help to acquire Brescia and Ber- 
gamo ; he availed himself of the disturbances following on 
Philip's death to gain Crema, and utilized the tumults 
which had broken out between the nobles and the commons 
to gain possession of Ravenna, and subsequently of Cervia 
also. The income Venice derived from the mainland, as. 
a result of this policy, rose to 800,000 ducats, and that 
accruing from the islands to 400,000 ducats. 1 Men said :: 
" They have no rival on the seas, and are not minded to 
tolerate one on land." 2 How the internal machinery of 
this marvellous power worked, can easily be told if we look 
at the peculiar traditional forms of its constitution, but can 
only be explained with the greatest difficulty, if we look at. 
the real moving and living principle animating the whole. 
If we reflect that the Doge could not say " Yes " or " No " 
to anybody without first taking counsel with his " Consig- 
lieri," 3 but that, on the other side, the three Inquisitors, 
without the interference of the " Avogatori," and laying 
aside all formality, had the right to condemn to death 
clergy and laity, nobles and commons, to make use of the 
public treasury, and to command the governors and gene- 
rals, 4 we shall perceive that the counterpoise of Doge, Consi- 
glieri, Pregadi, and the Consiglio was not worth much, but 
that the supreme power, which in other cities reposed in 
the hands of a Baha, here resided in the Inquisitors. It is 
certainly not at all clear from what families these were 
chosen, how the others tolerated it, and why there was here 
no trace of party feeling. Some remarks of Maximilian, 
that he was coming to liberate the old fathers from the 
violent oppression of the new aristocracy, 5 cast no real light 
but only a glimmer upon this matter. Within this hall, 
no personality and no difference is marked, only some- 

1 Epitome proventuum Italise j also in Ludewig, Reliquiae MSS. 
x. 445. 

2 Ferrante's letter in Fabroni, Vita Laurentii Medici, ii. 237. 

3 In Sanuto, 785. 

4 Daru, Histoire de Venice from the real documents, ii. 423. 

5 Maximilian's Manifestoes of the Years 1510 and 1511, in Hormayrs- 
Archiv. fur Historie, etc., a.d. 1810. 



254 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

times hatred against secret renegades makes itself known, 
otherwise, there is only a common exertion and a common 
will. " They are very clever," says Comines, " they meet 
daily and hold Council ; their neighbours will feel the 
effect." 1 

The disturbances which had taken place in Italy since 
Charles Vffl.'s advent there, came very opportunely for 
their plans and policy. On every available occasion the 
"Venetians spread their power all round about them. In 
the struggle between Charles and Ferrantino they acquired 
five fine cities in Apulia, excellently situated for their 
requirements, which they peopled by the reception of 
fugitive Jews from Spain. 2 Moreover, in the kingdom of 
Naples, one j)arty had declared for them ; we have, too, 
already seen how Tarento raised their standard. During 
the Florentine disorders, they were within an ace of be- 
coming masters of Pisa. In the Milanese feuds they ac- 
quired Cremona and G-hiara d'Adda. Their power was all 
the more terrible, as they had never been known to lose again 
anything which they had once gotten. No one doubted 
that their aim was the complete sovereignty over the whole 
of Italy. Their historians always talked, as if Venice was 
the ancient Rome once more; therefore it was that the 
bones of Titus Livius were honoured at Padua, like those 
of a saint : " they should learn of him to avoid the faults 
of Eome." 3 

The Turkish war, which had kept them a while employed, 
now at an end, they next tried their fortune in Eomagna, 
and endeavoured, availing themselves of the quarrels be- 
tween the returning nobles and Cesar, to become, if not 
the sole, at all events the most powerful, vassals of the 
papal chair. Those nobles, who were often compelled to 
fly, and those who were accustomed to fly to them, were 
all, even including G-uidubaldo, their head, so much 
bound to Venice, that " San Marco " had even been 
shouted in G-uidubaldo's castles, with his approval and 
consent. The Venetians prepared to espouse the cause 
of those whom Cesar had suppressed. The cities re- 

1 Comines, Memoires, 488. 

2 Leander Alberti, Descriptio Italise, p. 369. 

3 Comines, 483. 



CH. III.] JULIUS II.'S FIRST EXPLOITS. 255 

fleeted how genuine and substantial that peace was that 
the lion of Venice spread over all its dependencies. Having 
appeared in this country at the end of October, 1503, and 
having first promised the Malatesti other possessions in 
their own country, they took Rimini, with the concurrence of 
the prince and citizens. Without ado they attacked Faenza. 1 
That city had recalled a natural scion of the Manfreddi, 
and for a good omen had called him Astorre ; but the good 
omen proved an ill-starred one, when the governor of 
the castle surrendered. They were then also themselves 
obliged to surrender. 2 Men said : " Faenza is either a gate 
into Italy for the Venetians, or else their ruin." They 
continued their conquests, and, in the territories of Imola, 
Cesena, and Forli, took stronghold after stronghold. Cesena 
itself had already previously announced through G-uidubaldo 
its subjection, and it was only the fear of Cesar's castles above 
their head that kept the cities still loyal. Then it was that the 
first minister of France stated his belief that, " had they 
only Eomagna, they would forthwith attack Florence, 3 on 
account of a debt of 180,000 guilders owing them." If they 
were to make an inroad into Tuscany, Pisa would fall im- 
mediately on their arrival. Their object in calling the 
French into the Milanese territory was, that they considered 
them more fitted to make a conquest than to keep it ; and, 
in the year 1504, they were negotiating how it were possible 
to wrest Milan again from them. Could they only succeed 
in this, nothing in Italy would be able longer to withstand 
them. " They wanted," as Macchiavelli said, "to make the 
Pope their chaplain." 4 



Julius II.'s First Exploits and Double Intentions. 

But they met with the staunchest resistance in Julius, 
as in him they could discover no weak point 5 to attack. 

1 Bembus, Historia Veneta, 145-147. Baldi, Guidobaldo, ix. 127- 
141. 

2 Sansovino, Origine, 79. 

3 Macchiavelli, Legazione alia Corte di Eoma, p. 331. 

4 His words in the same Legazione. p. 301. 

5 Ibid., the forty-eighth letter, 391. 



256 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. Ilfc 

As pointedly as lie could express himself, he declared to 
them, on the 9th November, 1503, that, " though hitherto 
their friend, he would now do his utmost against them, 
and would besides incite all the princes of Christendom 
against them ;" 1 and once more, on the 10th January, he 
declared that: "he was, and always had been, firm and con- 
stant in his intention to regain the temporalities of the 
Church ; and, further, that no terrorism, no treaty, nor con- 
ditions would prevent his carrying it out, for it was his 
duty." 2 But as no warning availed aught, " for their 
right was clear and plain, and they would satisfy his 
claims with their newly-coined gold," in September, 1504, 
he entered into the league with Louis, Maximilian, and 
Philip, which was not alone directed against Ferdinand, 
but against Venice as well. We have seen how this league 
became dissolved. The Venetians then retreated a step 
backwards. They restored all parts of the territories of 
Imola, Cesena, and Forli that they had occupied ; until 
they had done so, Julius would not accept their obedience. 3 
Yet he did not even then abandon his project of conquer- 
ing the rest. 

Julian was of a very impatient and violent character. 
When Michel Angelo painted the Sixtine chapel, and at 
last unveiled it, he could not wait until the dust raised by 
the fall of the scaffolding had cleared away. 4 Any thought 
that had once occurred to him possessed his mind un- 
ceasingly ; it was visible in his features, he murmured it 
ever between his teeth ; " he must die," he confessed, 
" did he not speak it out." 5 But this did not make him 
stubborn and inconsiderate. He once threatened Michel 
Angelo, requiring him to make haste and finish some work, 
and then on the following day sent him 500 scudi to pacify 
him. 6 In the same way, as he had always abided by his 
opinion in contradiction to his uncle Sixtus, to Innocent 
and Alexander, even when a fugitive and in peril, so did 

1 Ibid., 304. 

2 Breve Julii Papse, in Rainaldus, Annales Ecclesiastici, xx. p. 9. 

3 Bembus, Historia Veneta, vii. 155. Baldi, Guidubaldo, xi. 182. 

4 Vasari, Vita di Michel Angelo, p. 200. 

5 Zurita, ii. 28, explaining Paris di Grassis, Diarium, apud Hoff- 
m annum, Collectio Nova, 450. 6 Vasari, ibid. 225. 



CH. III.] JULIUS II.'S FIRST EXPLOITS. 257 

he now act as Pope ; he even unswervingly adhered to his 
resolve, mindful of his forefathers Nicholas and Gregory. 1 
His temperament can be gathered from a portrait of him 
by Raphael. His boldly-chiselled features, closed mouth, 
his straight and fixed look, and long flowing beard, are 
graphically depicted, as he sits in an arm-chair, and thinks. 2 
All his actions give evidence of his firmness. He aptly 
wore the oak on his coat-of-arms. 

Now, as we have seen, Julius was resolved to tolerate 
princes in the Papal State, but only such as he could con- 
trol. But it was not alone the Venetians who were capable 
of offering him resistance, but others also. John Benti- 
voglio, of Bologna, in particular, was almost independent. 
John ruled his city by a council of twenty, of whom ten 
conducted the " Imborsazione," the elections, and all public 
business for the first half of the year ; and the other ten 
for the remaining half, yet both under his personal pre- 
sidency. He was styled Prince, G-overnor, and permanent 
" Gonfaloniere " of justice ; he could himself levy a tax. 3 
He dwelt in a splendid palace, containing 370 rooms, 
among gardens, fountains, and fish ponds. 4 His sons, one of 
whom was designated to succeed him, built other palaces. 
He found a bell indispensable for calling his friends to- 
gether ; and a tower bears an inscription to the effect that, 
" he had built it, he, all whose wishes had abundantly been 
so realized by virtue and fortune, and whom they had so 
richly endowed with this world's goods." 3 On his shield 
were emblazoned a lily and an eagle ; yet he trusted most 
in the lily and in French protection. 

In the year 1506, when Louis XII. and Ferdinand the 
Catholic needed the papal sanction to their Neapolitan 
compact, Julius considered it practicable to compel the 
Bolognians to recognize their own dependence. The latter 
appealed to tradition and to the old treaties made with the 
papal chair. He, on his part, maintained the rights of a prince 

1 Bull to Louis XII., in Hottingeri Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 45. 

2 A copy in the Guistinian collection in Berlin. Fide also Speth, 
Italien, i. 225. 

3 Hieronymus de Bursellis, Chronica Bononiensia in Muratori, xxiii. 
881. 

4 Sansovino, Origine, 280, 289. 5 Inscription in Bursellis, 909. 

S 



258 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

to alter a constitution even in the face of traditional cus- 
tom ; he announced that, he would come and see their mode 
of life for himself; if he was pleased, he would confirm 
it, otherwise he would alter it : the old treaties, he averred, 
were obtained by coercion, and now, at this time, an ame- 
lioration was possible. 1 The Venetians offered him their 
assistance in this enterprise, provided he would only ratify 
their possession of Faenza and Kimini. But he paid them 
no heed. With only a guard of twenty-five lances, a grey- 
haired man among grey-haired cardinals, on the 20th 
August, 1506, he took the field in order to conquer Bologna. 2 
On the march thither he thought of reducing Perugia. 

Now Griampaolo Baglione, who after Alexander's death 
ruled Perugia again in the customary manner by a Balia, 
the arbitrary ten (dell' Arbitrio), had always refused obedi- 
ence. 3 He was now to be compelled to obey. What 
was there victorious in his mere advent? In Orvieto, 
Oiampaolo, whom the Duke Guidubaldo had persuaded 
to subject himself, met him and promised to deliver his 
fortresses and gates into the Pope's power, and his troops 
into his pay. Before the capitulation had even been signed, 
before his troops, who had begun to collect, were on the 
scene, and in order to show that he trusted the honour of 
his enemy, the Pope entered Perugia, reinstated in their 
possessions those who had fled the city, left to Giampaolo 
his legal rights, and restored peace. 4 

In the case of Bentivoglio, the pride of his wife, Gineura 
Sforza, and his old confidential standing with Julius, with 
whom he had eaten and drank, prevented a similar sub- 
jection. Were his four sons, to whom he had committed 
the defence of the four quarters of the city, too weak to re- 
sist a Pope ? He replied to Julius' demand that he should 
furnish quarters for him, his army, and 500 French lancers, 
that : " Only the Swiss guard could be admitted with 
the Pope's person," and further asked to be informed how 

1 Macchiavelli, Legazione al Papa, torn. v. p. 157. 

2 Macchiavelli, ibzd. lett. iii. Hadriani Cardinalis Iter Iulii in Roscoe 
i. appendix, p. 519, in Hexameters. 

3 Macchiavelli, Legaz. v. 160. 

4 Macchiavelli, Legazione, v. 136, and Discorsi Sopra la prima Deca 
di Tito Livio, i. c. 27. Baldi, 192. 



CH. III.] JULIUS II.'S FIRST EXPLOITS. 259 

long he intended to remain ? l " So," exclaimed Julius 
indignantly, " he prescribes laws for us, and will not receive 
us. Shall he dictate to us ? " 2 Hereupon the Pope 
declared Bentivoglio and his adherents rebels against the 
Church, gathered to him his army and the aid Louis had 
promised him, and winding through the ravines and passes 
of the highest part of the Apennine range, carefully avoid- 
ing the positions occupied by the Venetians, and passing 
frequently by kneeling peasants, marched to Imola. 3 At 
this juncture, the French, whose arrival Bentivoglio had 
never expected, actually advanced against him — for Julius 
and Louis were still friends — and, at the same time, his old 
adversaries in the city, who had so long kept silence, rose 
up in revolt, and with them many new opponents, all em- 
bittered by the cruelties perpetrated on the Marescotti (of 
whom shortly before nearly two hundred had been ruined 
on Cesar Borgia's accusation), and detesting him, too, for 
the arrogance of his sons. 4 Then he likewise perceived that 
no one can be accounted happy before his death, and that he 
had falsely boasted that no one would ever expel him ; 
accordingly, he entered into a compact with the French, 
which secured to him his private possessions, and then, 
after an uninterrupted prosperity of forty years' duration, 
quitted his palace, the pillar of his fortune, and his city. 
Julius, on the other hand, obeying the invitation of the 
now free people, was borne in through the gates of Bologna 
on an ivory chair, in his papal robes. He only deposed 
three members of the twenty, whilst adding twenty- three 
to their body. To this forty he committed a far more inde- 
pendent jurisdiction than that which they had enjoyed 
under the house of the Bentivogli, and released the people 
from all burdens. He desired to establish a truly free city, 
and one devoted to him for his protection and favour. 5 

Now whilst entertaining other plans and projects, as to 
which he was not reticent, and having delivered to the Mar- 

1 Macchiavelli, Legazione, 121, 165. 

2 Paris de Grassis, Itinerarium Iulii in Kainaldus, xx. 10. 

3 Hadriani Iter, v.s. 85. Baldi, Guidabaldo, 195. 

4 Georg. Florus, de bello Italico, p. 19. Arlieni, de bello Veneto, 24. 
Monstrelet, appendix, 239. 

5 Sansovino, Origine delle Case, 292. Nardi, History of Florence, ir. 
114. Anton, Chronicques Annales, p. 40. Paris de Grassis, p. 13. 



260 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

quis of Mantua the standard of the Church, bidding him 
under it wage just and victorious wars, and well pleasing to 
God, 1 it happened that affairs in G-enoa were so far preju- 
dicial to his objects as to divert his intentions into another 
channel. 

In the years 1506 and 1507, Genoa passed through all 
the phases of a revolution. The first impetus was given by 
the leading democratic families, who, for a long time past, 
had been wont to see one of them, Fregosi or Adorni, 
at the head of affairs, and the old aristocracy doing 
service to them. Since the French occupation, however, 
both those leading families were in exile, and the supreme 
power resided in the nobles, and especially in the " Fiesci." 2 
The " Popolares," having for a long time vainly demanded 
that two-thirds of the public offices should be again en- 
trusted to them, were at length aided in their demands by 
the indignation of the proletariat at the conduct of some 
aristocratic youths, who, instead of paying, drew swords, 
showing on the hilts the inscription : " Chastise the pea- 
sant." 3 Accordingly, one day some of them placed them- 
selves at the head of the people, and, with the cry of 
" People and King," organized an insurrection, and suc- 
ceeded in wresting to them two-thirds of the offices. 4 
The effect of this was to show the lower orders that the 
public peace only depended upon their good will. Rapidly 
following up their success, these latter next opposed the 
magistrates of the upper classes by appointing eight tri- 
bunes from their own midst, went even still further, and 
committed the supreme power to four men, and were 
then not content. At last, the " Cappetti " — plebs, whose 
sole wealth consisted in an old cap and a pair of woollen 
stockings — obtained the upper hand, and collecting daily 
in their societies, " The Peace," " The Concord," or what- 
ever they were called, waxed greatly enthusiastic, chose a 
dyer for their chief, and made him an absolute Doge. 5 

The course of such revolutions often proceeds in the 

1 Breve in Dumont, iv. 1, 20. 

2 Senarega, Eerum Genuensium Annales, in many passages, and 576. 

3 Anton, Chronicques Annales, p. 47. 

4 Libertus Folieta, Historia Genuensis, 282. 

5 Principally in Senarega, 577-587. Georg. Florus, 24. 



CH. III.] JULIUS II.'s FIRST EXPLOITS. 261 

same way ; from an ascendancy of the middle classes to the 
opposite extreme, next to the ascendancy of the proletariat, 
and, finally, to a monarchy from the plebs. These Genoese 
paid no heed to the King of France, until, in April, 1507, 
he advanced against them with his hommes d'armes and 
Swiss Guards. They then fortified a hill lying imme- 
diately before their walls, and occupied it with two masses 
of troops, the one posted on the summit, and the other on 
a lower point of vantage. But they lacked courage and 
discipline; and when Bayard, with 126 hommes d'armes, 
stormed up the hill from the one side, and the Obwald 
musketeers and the Bernese volunteers from the other, 
both divisions turned and fled, without even thinking of 
combining. 1 They had no other weapons left, but for all, 
aristocratic Anzians and plebeians, wives and maidens, 
to cry " Misericordia." Louis gave to all, with the ex- 
ception of seventy-nine, their lives and property ; but he 
burnt before their eyes the book of their compacts with 
him, and the letters of their imperial liberties, took their 
arms away, and built with their money a castle to hold 
them in awe. And so they went about, with shrugged 
shoulders and bowed heads ; on their new coins they saw 
no longer the device of the griflin, but only that of the 
lily. 2 

But how could it be that the degradation of his coun- 
try should not affect Julius II., who was proud to call him- 
self, in his inscriptions, " Ligurian ? " It might be that 
before Bologna, upon which, on Bentivoglio's flight, they 
had advanced, under an understanding with the nobles, 
and which they were only prevented by the people from 
occupying, he had found the French not so well disposed 
as he could have wished. 3 But Genoa was almost nearer 
to his heart. He was a kinsman of the house of the 
Fregosi, and perceived in their exclusion by the French a 
slight offered to himself. It was generally believed that he 

1 Bayard, 123. St. Gelais, 191. The Freiburger's letter in Fuch's 
Mailandischen Feldziigen, ii. 44, 45. Anselmus in Gluts. 202. 

2 Anton, 185. Louis' instruction for John de Cabellis, in Datt. de 
pace publica, 512. Senarega, 592 f. 

3 Maximilian's reply (to French allegations) in Goldast, Reichshand- 
lung, 57. 



262 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

had had a hand in the insurrection of the " Popolares ; " 
and that it was with intention that Lonis had brought three 
cardinals and thirty high prelates with him, planning, per- 
haps, to dispossess the Pope. 1 As a matter of fact, Louis 
had been in negotiation with Ferdinand to make Amboise 
Pope ; 2 and certain overtures made to England appear to 
point to the same thing. 3 But Julius, instead, as had been 
his original plan, of awaiting the King's arrival in Bologna, 
returned in haste to Eome. 

The result of this was, that the Pope's original plan, that 
of uniting the States of the Church, was supplemented by 
another, no less a one than to free Italy from the French. 
With respect to the first, he quarrelled with Venice ; in 
carrying out the second, he might have assured himself 
of its support. Had both only been at one, and united 
with the greater part of the nation, which had a feeling of 
oppression, 4 they might, perhaps, together have achieved 
some result. But, just as in the whole nation itself, 
the feeling of faction entertained by certain confederations 
against each other was doubtless far stronger than the 
feeling of universal union — the first hereditary and deeply 
rooted, and the latter only existing in theory and in 
writings — so also did Julius and Venice prefer to fight out 
their own particular quarrel, to thinking of their common 
nationality and their common country. Both wished to 
possess Eimini and Faenza ; otherwise no alliance between 
them. So did they confront each other, each looking beyond 
towards the same object, but, for the present, both hostile 
to each other. 

1 Folieta and Guicciardini, vii. 372. 

2 Memoire, touchant les affaires de France in the Lettr. de Louis I., 
62. 

3 Gamier, histoire de France, xxii. 84 ; sur la copie d'une negociation 
secrete. 

4 Instanse Galateus, de situ Japygise, ap. Grsevium. 



CH. III.] DISCOVERIES OP THE PORTUGUESE. 263 



3. Discoveries of the Portuguese. Decay of the Venetian 
Commerce. 

It had now come about that Venice was incurring great 
danger on both sides of its existence ; in its conquests and 
its commerce. To begin with, the Yenetian trade had, 
in its real fountain spring, the East, suffered injury at 
the hands of those who had intended something quite 
different, and who were really engaged on a mission of 
universal utility. 

In the year 1497, the trade on the coasts of Arabia, East 
Africa, and the Indian peninsula was in the hands of the 
Moors ; naturally on the Arabian coast, at Aden, where the 
favourable monsoons were eagerly awaited, and at Ormuz, 
" the house of safety." 1 But scarcely less theirs was the 
fertile expanse of plain upon the other two coasts, which 
lay opposite each other, up to where the tableland begins. 
On the African coast, the Moors penetrated as far as the 
Uzige, whence they fetched gold and amber, and Cape St. 
Sebastian. The King of Quiloa, who was computed to 
receive annually 2,666,666 ducats of gold from Sofala, and 
the sheiks at Melinda and Mozambique were Moors. 2 On 
the Indian coast, lay the three kingdoms of G-uzerat, 
Deccan, and Malabar. Over the two first-named, Moorish 
princes held sway, whilst in all their ports were Mon- 
golian or Arabian governors. If a Banian wished to en- 
gage here in trade, he ventured not to embark without an 
Arabian convoy. The third, Malabar, had still an Indian, 
the Zamorin of Kolikod, for its chief; but he also was 
kept in no little dependence by 4,000 Mohammedans, who 
dwelt in his city, and often supplied him with money. 
Whoever was not minded to obey him, went into the 
mosque. One of his vassals, the Prince of Cranganore, 
even wore a beard, and entrusted the government to an 
Arabian. 3 

1 Hitter's Geography, ii. 287. Especially Bartheme, Itinerario in 
Ramusio, i. 157. 

2 Barbosa in Ramusio, 289. Besides Corsali Fiorent., ibid. 178. 
Barbosa, 296. Sommario de' regni et citta in Ramusio, p. 326. 



264 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Besides the three coasts, Malacca in further India was 
the most important emporium for the whole Eastern 
trade ; thither China sent its silk twists, Bengal cotton 
fabrics, and the Thousand Isles real spices : l this place was 
the counterpart to Venice, sending to the latter the light, 
perfumed, and shining wares of the East, to receive in re- 
turn the thick, heavy, martial or more artificial products of 
the West. Malacca likewise belonged to a Moorish king. 

It is worthy of remark, that like Aden, lying as it does 
upon a promontory and severed by high mountains from 
the rest of the world, or like Ormuz, itself an island, Ma- 
lacca, as well as the other emporia of this trade, have an 
insular position in common with Venice. Their wealth de- 
pended upon the Venetian traffic between West and East, 
which I have previously described, whilst the wealth of 
Venice depended upon the position of India and its con- 
nection with Europe. 

It appeared quite impossible that this trade could ever 
be intercepted and ruined. The Indians were much too 
weak to rid themselves of the Moors, and no other nation 
had any access to these shores. But, even whilst it appeared 
so firmly established, it was in fact already seriously under- 
mined. We must observe that many Europeans had by 
this time visited India, that a description by Edrisi of the 
African coast as far as Sof ala was already extant, 2 and that, 
since Bartholomew Diaz had circumnavigated the Cape, 
there was only the small strip from its last promontory, near 
Santa Cruz, to Cape St. Sebastian that remained unex- 
plored, unnavigated, and not drawn within the sphere of 
the world's intercourse. As soon as this small strip of 
coast was navigated, the Portuguese would find themselves 
again opposite their old enemies, the Moors, whom they 
had left in North Africa. Then it would be that India 
would become attached to Europe by a route other than 
that of the Moors and Venetians, and enter into an imme- 
diate connection with it. The Venetian trade must then 
necessarily decay. 

We have already seen how Don Manuel became King of 
Portugal, a prince, who, whilst still a youth, had taken an 

1 Sommario de' regni et citta. 

3 Sprengel, Geschichte der geographischen Entdeckungen, 155. 



CH. III.] DISCOVERIES OP THE PORTUGUESE. 265 

orb for a device, and one whom a bold and brave nobility 
were ready at any time to serve; a nobility bold not 
against him — for Manuel's forefathers had clipped its 
wings, and it was now its ambition to serve the King in the 
palace, and accept a small remuneration from him 1 — but 
bold against the Moors, and fearless on the sea. With a 
view to explore that unknown coast, and to discover India, 
Manuel, in July, 1497, fitted out three " Baloniere," and a 
" Ravetta," with a crew of 180 men. He gave them pillars, 
on which were inscribed a cross and his arms, ten prisoners 
who had been condemned to death, and who should explore 
the countries of barbarous nations, and letters for the priest 
John, and the Zamorin of Kolikod; he then hoisted his 
flag on the mast of the admiral's ship, and committed the 
whole expedition to the care of Yasco de Grama. 2 

Vasco, a man of a proud and great heart, as his poet de- 
scribes him, and one who gladly offered his services in 
great enterprises, and who was always favoured by fortune, 
prayed, the previous night, with the monks of a church to 
Our Lady, and, on the morning of the 9th July, embarked 
on his cruise. The friends of the sailors, on seeing their 
sails disappear, commiserated them, saying, that they would 
never see any one of them again. The voyagers themselves 
really lost heart in the violent currents off the Cape, and 
would certainly have mutined had it not been for Yasco's 
brother. 

Even when they had already passed it, and were cruising 
along the east coast of Africa, they considered themselves 
lost men, and their sole solace and common comfort was to 
pray. For many days, they saw nothing on the coast but 
Kaffirs, and could not comfort themselves by obtaining any 
intelligence. At last, having compassed Cape San Sebas- 
tian, they descried coloured men, and five days later, on 
the 1st of March, 1498, they were received with shouts of 
joy and music by other coloured men, wearing turbans, 
shields, and swords, in whom they recognized Moors, and 
who on their part considered them also Moors. From these 
they learnt that the island before them was Mosambique. 
and belonged to the Saracens, that voyages thence were 

1 Osorius, de rebus gestis Emanuelis, p. 364. 

2 Navigazione di Gamain Kamusio i. 116. Osorius, i. 26. 



266 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

made to India and Arabia, and that Kolikod was no great 
distance away. On hearing this, they raised their hands to 
heaven and thanked G-od ; the greater part of their work 
seemed now to have been accomplished. The actual dis- 
covery of the really unknown had been effected. They were 
again amidst their well-known enemies; but it was now 
for them to escape from these Moors and reach their des- 
tination. 1 

Now, their subsequent adventures, how they were threa- 
tened with death and destruction in Mosambique and Mom- 
baz, how the good Prince of Melinda refreshed them with 
his sweet oranges and gave them a pilot, how they again 
caught sight of Orion, which had not shone upon them for 
a long period, is known to everyone from his early years. 
On the 29th of May, 1498, they, a remnant of about one 
hundred men, the first Christians of the Latino-Teutonic 
stock, lifted up their hands on the coast of Malabar, and 
poured out their thanks to the true God ; they then 
liberated their prisoners, loaded their pilot with gifts, and 
cast anchor not far from Kolikod. 2 

The Moors instantly perceived the danger that threatened 
them, and resisted the intruders to their utmost. With 
great difficulty, and more as a proof that they had really 
been there, than as a commercial transaction, our Portu- 
guese took some spices and precious stones away with 
them : they themselves were now reduced to two ships and 
sixty men ; Yasco lost his brother Paul just before the goal ; 
but fortune must always be dearly bought, and, as a result, 
the unknown coast had been explored, India had been dis- 
covered, and, on their return, their fame was noised abroad 
through Lisbon, Portugal, Spain, and the whole of Europe, 
and lives on even at this present day. 3 

After this exploit, Lisbon spoke of nothing else but of 
the wealth of Kolikod ; how that a load of cinnamon, 
ginger, pepper, and cloves, which in Venice cost more than 
one hundred ducats, was to be had there for ten to twenty ; 

1 Barros, Asio, i. iv. 1 and 2. Navigazione. Osorius, 24. Lichten- 
stein, Entdeckung des Vorgebirges, from Hormayr's Archiv fur Geo- 
graphie, &c, 1810, p. 636. 

2 Osorius, i. 33. 

3 Barros, i. iv. 5, 10. Osorius 40. 



CH. III.] DISCOVERIES OP THE PORTUGUESE. 267 

how that logwood grew there in bushes, and gunilac 
cost almost nothing; how pearls were fished for on an 
island near, and that the Arabians, in spite of all this 
wealth, were only badly equipped, and their ships easy to 
take. Nation and King were thus fired to energy. On 
the spot where Grama prayed previous to his departure, 
Don Manuel built a far finer church, dedicated to Our 
Lady, and called Belem, a monastery of the Hieronymites, 
and a mausoleum for the kings. He styled himself lord 
of the commerce, voyages, and future conquests in Ethiopia, 
Arabia, Persia, and India. He fitted out new ships without 
delay. 1 

These ships were not built alone for trade, but for war. 
For since Pedralvarez Cabral, of whose crew forty-five men 
had been killed at Kolikod, and Yasco de Gam a, on his 
second voyage, had both been so much aggravated by the 
Moors and the Zamorin, that they were obliged to fire on 
the city, 2 it was palpable that nothing would be able to be 
effected here without war to the knife. It depended upon 
the issue of these wars, whether the old international inter- 
course should or should not exist longer. Even Manuel's 
counsellors sometimes doubted whether Portugal would 
be able to continue them, and the Venetians never con- 
ceived it possible; but those that undertook them were 
quite the men for the task, rendered brave as they were by 
chivalry, their detestation of the Moors, and their religion, 
and their achievements are truly marvellous. 

The most celebrated is, perhaps, the first war undertaken 
by Pacheco Pereira, in the year 1503, in defence of the 
King of Cochin, against the whole power of the Zamorin ; 
the former, although a vassal of the Zamorin, had allowed 
the Portuguese to land and take in cargo, and was, on 
account of this permission, driven from his throne, and 
had scarcely been restored to it again. 3 With four kings 
and the heir to the Crown, and with 75,000 infantry, and 
160 ships, all furnished with good guns, cast by Christian 
refugees, the Zamorin advanced to battle. He came against 

1 Navigazione di Gama in Ramusio, 120 f. 

2 Pilotto Porteghese in Ramusio, 121. Thome Lopez, Navigazione, 
in Ramusio, 143. 

3 Giovanni da Empoli, Viaggio, in Ramusio. 



268 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

three ships, bound together by ropes, which blocked the 
ford by which he had to cross, and against seventy-one 
Portuguese. He lashed twenty prames together with chains, 
in order to board one of the vessels, and then made a 
simultaneous attack upon the ford and the city ; he planted 
artillery on the bank to bombard the enemy from afar, 
and had towers built on his ships, in order to destroy 
them from above. He himself showed dauntless courage. 
Even when some standing at his side were laid low by 
the enemy's bullets, he caused the laggards to be driven 
forward at the point of the sword, vowed to his gods, 
and selected his days. But Pacheco broke his chains 
with his guns, and contrived to surprise his cannon at 
the right moment and to spike them, whilst he kept off 
his towers with bowsprits and booms. Sometimes he 
would remain quietly on the defensive, until the enemy had 
come to close quarters ; he would then signal his orders 
and fire his cannon ; the result was the defeat of the enemy, 
and the ford red with blood. He also planted sharp 
stakes in the mud, on which the enemy spiked themselves. 
The struggle lasted five months. The enemy is said to 
have lost 19,000 men, whilst Pacheco's warriors scarcely 
lost a single one. It appeared to them a miracle. " God 
had fought for them : they had escaped unscathed from 
bullets, which rebounding from them even broke stones 
in pieces ; when Pacheco's ship was stranded on the mo- 
rass, and the enemy had already seized his rudder, at 
his prayer the flood had risen and floated the ship again. 
Nay more, when they were in peril of the enemy's floating 
towers, their guns were ineffectual, until Pacheco had 
prayed to God not to punish their sins that day, as the 
honour of the whole of Christendom was at stake." x 

What was here conquered, however, was, although in- 
cited by the Moors, only an Indian power. Prom this 
time on both sides a greater war began. On the Sultan 
of Egypt declaring that, " Did they not cease warring, he 
would destroy the grave of Christ," the Indian Moors 
made preparations for a vigorous resistance. Don Manuel, 
on the other hand, in whose name Duarte Meneses was 

1 Osorius, iii. f. 101-116. Barros, i. vii. 8. 



CH. III.] DISCOVERIES OP THE PORTUGUESE. 269 

waging a rapid and glorious war against the Moors of 
Morocco, and who was also himself, on one occasion, on 
the point of joining personally in the campaign (for this 
war was none other than that which the forefathers of the 
nation had begun many centuries previously upon the 
Asturian mountains), replied to the Sultan's threat thus : 
"If he had hitherto injured him, he intended to inflict 
even more injury upon him in the future." He hoped one 
day to take Mahomet's house at Mecca. 1 Gama once said, 
" Moors and Christians have, since the foundation of the 
world, been in arms against each other." 2 Such were the 
feelings which animated King and nation ; their war 
appeared to them a veritable crusade. 

On the 25th of May, 1505, Manuel despatched twenty- 
two sail under Don Francisco d' Almeida ; his object was 
to hold the Indian seas by a fleet permanently stationed 
there, and to secure the coasts by forts, such as had first 
been built in Cochin for the defence of the prince. 

Beginning with the African coast, Francisco stormed 
and took Quiloa and Mombaz, both by nearly the same 
tactics. And when another, following in his footsteps, 
defying the hostility of the Sheik and the unhealthy 
climate, had established himself in Sof ala, at the source of 
the gold trade, and when in Mosambique a fort had been 
built without opposition, the coast throughout its whole 
length was in their hands. The Prince of Melinda was 
devoted to their cause. 3 

Almeida's approaching visit caused joy and consternation 
in India ; joy among the enemies of the Moors, and not 
only in the breast of the Prince of Cochin, who received a 
golden crown from Almeida's hands, but it also especially 
gladdened the heart of the great King of Narsinga, whose 
realm on the highlands of the Malabar peninsula extended 
as far as Coromandel, and from Comorin far northwards, 
who once had caused 10,000 Moors to be put to death on 
the same day, and who now offered one of his daughters to 
Manuel's son to wife ; 4 but it filled Kolikod and the Moors 
with dismay and terror. 

1 Osorius, iv. 124. Emanuel's letter to the Pope in Osor. 

2 Thome Lopez, 138. 

3 Barros, i. viii. c. 4, 5, 6. 4 Barbosa and Osorius. 



270 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

"Bad news," said two Persian merchants; "with our 
own eyes we have seen twelve ships, all full of Christians 
armed with white weapons." On receipt of these tidings, 
the Moslems were summoned from their minarets to prayer ; 
after having prayed, they fitted out eighty-four large vessels 
with 104 prames. 1 Lourenzo, Francisco's son, was stationed 
with eleven sail not far from Cranganore, when they ad- 
vanced to attack him ; their masts were like a thick wood, 
their garments red, and with bows, swords, muskets, and 
cannon in sufficient numbers. Lourenzo addressed his men, 
saying, " Sirs, brothers, to-day is a day on which our Lord 
will receive many of us into His holy glory." He let them 
eat, until the Moors were there. He then said, " Now, my 
brethren, let us prove ourselves good knights." Thereupon 
he attacked the enemy's leading ship, grappled it, and 
sprang on board. His example was followed by others. 
Simon Martin sprang single-handed amongst fifteen Moors, 
and shouted, " Now, Christ, prove Thy faith ; " he slew 
seven, and drove the remainder overboard. As soon as 
their two leading ships were taken, the Moors fled as one 
man. Lourenzo, seeing the great spoils that were his, and 
his ships undamaged, exclaimed, "Praised be Jesus 
Christ ; " and built a chapel on the shore in honour of our 
Lady of the Victory. 

Thus did the Portuguese fight, and thus their enemies. 
The Moors now, full of shame, hatred, and dismay, went 
about in great bands ; they shaved their heads and chins, 
and bound themselves together under terrible oaths. " They 
would now either conquer or die." They awaited their 
enemy in the harbour of Panian, under the cover of their 
batteries. One morning, two hours before daybreak, the 
Christians under Francisco and Lourenzo were, before their 
very eyes, gathered, one and all, around the admiral's 
ship ; a priest raised a great cross on high, and pronounced 
absolution and blessing upon all assembled. Many prayed 
to be permitted that day to enter into the glory of G-od. 
This scene lasted but a moment; the next, they had 
separated, and were on their way to the coast. The leaders 
were kept back. Then came Lourenzo, a youth who would 

1 Lodovico Barthema, Itinerario, iii. c. 34, 35, 37, fol. 107 f. Osorius, 
v. f. 166. 



CH. III.] DECAY OP THE VENETIAN COMMERCE. 271 

rather burn his booty than give it away under the price he 
demanded, but who, in spite of this obstinacy, was quite 
obedient to his father ; tall, and splendid of stature, he was 
the first to spring on land. A conspirator wounded him in 
the arm ; but Lourenzo replied by cleaving him asunder at 
one stroke, from the head to the breast. His father then, 
the royal ensign in his hand, came to his assistance. The 
victory was theirs. Francisco did not accede to the wishes of 
his soldiery to sack the city, for he knew that a strong 
enemy was in the vicinity, only waiting for them to begin 
the pillage. He himself threw the torches into the city to 
fire it. 1 

By this second battle of the Portuguese in India, the 
Moors also were vanquished. Their forts in Cranganore, 
Cochin, and for the present, at all events, upon the Ange- 
drves, as well as a victorious fleet cruising off the shore, 
kept the greater part of the coast of the Indian Peninsula 
in subjection to them. 

The Arabian coast northwards and Eastern India still 
remained ; they next turned their attention to them. In 
1507, they took the Arabian fortress of Socotra, lying at 
the entrance of the G-ulf of Aden ; and there Albuquerque 
succeeded in building a castle at Ormuz, and in compelling 
the prince to pay 15,000 ducats tribute. The King of 
Columbo in Ceylon was forced to pay them 15,000 pounds 
of cinnamon, as an annual tribute. 3 The dismay spread 
by their bravery electrified the people. Before Cannanore, 
the inhabitants saw a Portuguese slay sixteen to eighteen 
of the enemy each day. They said. "Is it a Frank ? Is 
it a god of the Pranks ? It is the god of the Pranks, and 
he is stronger than our gods." 3 

Now, although these events had quite another aim and 
object than that of the advantage or detriment of Venice, 
yet it is certain that their effect upon the community of our 
nations was principally made important by the change in 
the scene of action. 

It was not until 1503 that Portuguese merchants came 
to Antwerp, and offered their wares to German houses. 
Nicholas Kechtergem is said to have been the first to make 

1 Barthema, iii. 40. Barros, ii. i. c. 6. 

2 Barros, Dec. ii. i. cap. 3 5 cap. 1-4. 3 Barthema, iii. c. 39. 



272 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

an arrangement with them, and, after him, the Fugger, 
Welser, and Osterett. 1 The North Germans were much 
surprised at seeing the wares that they were otherwise in 
the habit of sending to the Netherlands now come to them 
from thence, for they were soon convinced that they were 
genuine. As a result, we find Augsburg now taking the 
lead among German cities. 2 Among German commercial 
houses, Fuggers', a house which in the year 1506, owing to 
Maximilian's good offices, sent three ships of its own to 
India, 3 took the lead, whilst Bruges was displaced by Ant- 
werp in the Netherlands. The German trade with Venice 
decreased. In Italy itself, the Florentine houses, as that of 
the Marchioni, participated directly in the new voyages. 4 
In Venice, the resulting reaction was at once felt. 

Many other things also combined at this time. The 
Turkish war and the new ordinances of the Sultan of Cairo 
had already seriously damaged their commerce. In the year 
1499, many houses on the Eialto went bankrupt, whilst 
others suffered in credit. A load of pepper, which in Koli- 
kod cost about ten ducats, and was sold in Venice for forty, 
rose to one hundred and ten. How great was the panic 
then, when, in the year 1502, the news came that four 
barks had arrived at Lisbon bringing spices from Koli- 
kod. 5 In a moment, the price of spices became depreciated, 
to the great detriment of the Venetians. They had com- 
forted themselves for a long time with the hope that King 
Manuel would not be able to bear the expenses of the 
campaigns, and would at last succumb to his numerous 
foes. Whenever a bark was lost, the news was signalled 
from Cairo as though a victory had been won. 6 

When then, in the year 1507, after Almeida's brilliant 
victories, the Zamorin, the Zabai of Goa, and the Prince of 
Cambay all sent to the Sultan Elian Hassan of Cairo, im- 



1 Ludovicus Guicciardini, Descriptio Belgii, p. 164. 

2 Gasser, Augsberger Chronik, 259. 

3 Ehrenspiegel, 1269. Pentingeri, Sermones Conviviales ap. Schardium, 
i. 202. 

4 Giovanni daEmpoli, Viaggio, p. 145. 

5 Diarium Ferrarense, p. 365, 380. 

6 Macchiavelli, Legazione al Duca Valentino, lett. 25. Opp. iv. 202 
(Note to 2nd ed.). Sandi, Storia Civile, yii. 91. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's attack. 273 

ploring help, and when the latter, whose whole wealth con- 
sisted in the intermediate trade between Asia and Europe, 
determined to assist them, and when, at the same time, a 
great campaign of the Indians, and the Indian and Egyptian 
Moors was set on foot against the Portuguese, the Venetians 
took fresh courage and hoped that the Portuguese power 
would come to an end. Their own fortune, or misfortune, 
depended upon the issue of this undertaking, which would 
either for ever cut off the Portuguese voyages, or pre- 
vent both Moors and Indians from ever again mo- 
lesting them. The Venetians themselves engaged in it. 
They sent metal smelters, as well as shipwrights, to the 
Sultan of Cairo, who was also their suzerain. 1 The 
fleet which the Sultan fitted out at Suez, and despatched 
under Mir Hossin, was manned in part by Venetians and 
Dalmatians. 2 His victory and his loss was their victory 
and loss also. Their maritime life and their sovereignty 
over the waves were alike dependent upon the issue that 
was to be fought out in India in the year 1508. 3 

4. Maximilian's attack. Formation of the League of Cam- 
bray against the Venetian conquests. 

In a description of Italy dating from these times, 4 the 
Venetian possessions are never referred to, save under the 
name of the prince from whom they had been taken: 
" the city knows no superior ; what she possesses she has 
robbed her neighbour of." 

This was the sentiment animating Louis XII. and 
Maximilian, on the occasion of their first league at Trent, 
and on that of their second with Julius at Blois, when they 
resolved to conquer what belonged to them of the Venetian 
territory. And just now, when the existence or destruction 
of the Venetian trade in India was at stake, a third league 
was concluded with the same object in view, a league 
which really imperilled all their acquisitions. 

1 Tentori, Saggio, ii. 135. 2 Zurita, i. f. 342. 

3 Osorius, vi. 196. 

4 Descriptio Italiae, Liidwig, Reliquiae MSS., torn. x. p. 426 ; accord- 
ing to p. 437, written between Charles VIII. and Louis XII.'s opera- 
tions against Italy ; translated into Latin, 1540. 

T 



274 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

In the summer of 1507, Maximilian held a Reichstag at 
Constance. His object was to obtain aid against Louis, and 
resources sufficient to enable him to invade Italy. " See- 
ing that Louis had broken all compacts, his enfeoffment 
with Milan was void ; moreover, as he intended to depose 
the Pope and to endanger the imperial dignity of the 
German nation, the Empire was pledged to attack him." 1 
After the King of France had allowed his party to fall 
to pieces through sheer negligence, he was unable to form 
another immediately, and, besides this, his envoy at Con- 
stance had been made prisoner. Maximilian made these con- 
cessions : that the supreme tribunal should be paid by the 
Estates — the origin of the sole permanent imperial tax that 
has ever existed 2 — and that a deputation of the realm 
should control the forces, money, and conquests of the 
realm ; in return for these concessions, he obtained an aid 
of 12,000 men and 120,000 guilders for six months. 3 

Moreover, on this occasion he might expect from the 
Swiss not merely no resistance, but even support. Their 
envoys walked about at Constance in the mantles he had 
given them, were sometimes guests at his table, and re- 
ceived presents of silver goblets from him. The Council 
of Zurich voted him 6,000 men, and at once arranged what 
contingent each canton should furnish. 4 Towards the be- 
ginning of the year 1508, Maximilian arrived in Trent. 
At the first report of his arrival, the G-hibellines in Italy 
agitated so much, that it was deemed wise to send many of 
them to France. The Florentines, who were at a distance, 
and were besides not weak in themselves, were under French 
protection ; yet they sent to conclude a prior compact with 
him. 5 

Fate willed it that Maximilian, whilst intending a 

1 Maximilian's Vindication in Goldast, Keichshandlung, 53. Short 
Summary of the Emperor's previous actions in the realm, published at 
this Keichstag ; in Spalatin, Leben Friedrichs des Weisen, in the collec- 
tions of Saxon History, at end. 

3 Putter, Entwickelung der Keichsverfassung, i. 313. 

8 Muller's Reichstagsstaat, 643. Proceedings therein, 662. 

4 Report of the Reichstag at Constance in Ehrenspiegel, 1237 j in 
Puch's Mailand. FeldzUge, 71, 79. 

s Plorus de bello Italico, 53. Vettori's Diplomatic Report in 
Macchiarelli's Legazione. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's attack. 275 

Milanese war, embarked upon one with Venice. The 
negotiations with the Venetian envoys at Constance led to 
no result. Was it likely that they would be willing to 
allow a man who had so often intended to rob them, and 
who had shortly before wrested Gorz from them — the last 
count, their vassal, at whose decease it would have de- 
volved upon them, had, in his old age, bartered it away to 
Maximilian — was it probable that they would be willing 
to permit him to march through their passes ? l As Venice 
was leagued with France against him, he now, accordingly, 
resolved to attack that enemy which was less capable 
of resistance, and less dangerous to himself, in the event 
of his being attacked. On the 4th February, 1508, 2 at 
Trent, his heralds leading the way, and he himself follow- 
ing sword in hand, Maximilian held a great procession, 
and, with the Papal envoy's concurrence, adopted the new 
title of Roman Emperor elect, a title until then unknown. 
This he did, doubtless, in order to be able, as was actually 
done the same day, to arraign and condemn the Venetians, 
with all the greater show of right. 3 That very day, bread 
was baked for the army, and provisions were sent down 
the Etsch. In the evening, the soldiers were ordered to 
hold themselves in readiness. The next morning early, 
at three o' clock, the trumpets sounded, and the march 
began. The Emperor advanced with 4,000 infantry, and 
1,500 horses, up the mountains of Asiago, in the direc- 
tion of Vicenza. He had with him a Vicentine emi- 
grant, Lionardo Trissino. He took the intrenchments 
of the Seven communes, and received the allegiance of 
half the mountain chain, where it sinks down to the 
Adriatic Sea from the chalk hills between Matajaur and St. 
Pelegrino. On his right, Frederick of Brandenberg marched 
down the Etsch with 2,500 men, and besieged Roveredo. 
On his left, the army of Eric of Brunswick-Calenberg 
descended from the hills, all iron shod, took Cadore, and 

1 Muller, Eeichstagsstaat, 649. Chronicon Venetum in Muratori, 
24, 155. 

3 Cf. Deutsche Geschichte (note to 2nd Ed.), vol. i. p. 348 (vide 
2nd Ed.). 

3 Chief passage in Vettori's letter in the Legazioni of Macchiayelli, 
v. 212. Proclamation to the realm in Datt, De pace publica, 569. 



276 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

advanced forty miles. All "betokened a grand issue, and 
Loredano, Doge of Venice, no longer peremptorily pro- 
hibited the imperial envoys from passing through. 1 Yet, 
in spite of all this success, the Emperor was seen sud- 
denly to stop, before he had even reached Vicenza, and 
then carefully closing the seven passes into his own country 
from the Isnitz to the Etsch, 2 to return to Innsbruck 
and Ulm. 

The reason was this : the French party in Switzerland 
had contrived, through the mediation of two envoys from 
Louis, after many contradictory resolutions, in gaining the 
complete upper hand. 3 As to the means the French envoys 
adopted to attain their ends, we learn that one of them, 
Bocquebertin, once entertained all the guests in Baden, 
and, besides this, kept open house daily ; the other, the 
Bishop of Boeux, once paid in Lucerne the reckonings 
of all the peasants that had come to market. 4 In the 
very midst of his operations against Venice, Maximilian 
heard the resolution of the Swiss, of the 25th January, 
which ran as follows : "if he injured the French king, he 
would force them to be mindful of their obligations to 
him," these words being a direct threat levelled at himself. 5 
For how easily might not Louis turn an attack, directed 
against his allies, against himself, and how easily might 
he not again kindle a war against the Eoman king, as he 
did in the year 1500 ! In March, the six months, for which 
period the realm had voted the supplies, had expired. 
Thus minded, he turned round and addressed himself first 
to the Suabian confederation : " An attack was to be feared 
upon the Tyrol, a member of their confederation, the per- 
petual estrangement of Allgau and Wallgau from the 
German nation to be apprehended, to be followed by the 
revolt of Flanders and G-uelders, of Liege and Utrecht ; 
the assistance of the confederation, if it would support the 

1 Vettori, 1-215. Second report to the realm in Datt, 571 ; and 
letter of 4th March, 1508. Bembus, p. 160. 

2 Gbbel, Chronica von den Kriegsthaten Kaiser Maximilian's. From 
beginning. 

8 Passages from Anselm, Bullinger, Tschudi MSS. in Fuchs, 98 f. 
4 Various resolutions in Fuchs, 93, 102, 104, 106, 111. 
6 Resolution in Fuchs, Datt, Gbbel, Damont, iv. 1, 90. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's attack. 277 

German confederates against the French with money and 
arms, might save everything. 1 

If danger threatened here, his advent averted it. The 
deputies of the Empire, at all events, voted him assistance 
for six months longer, 2 and although the aid was but 
irregularly paid — for the assessment, which in much later 
times was found to be irregularly made, and which repre- 
sented " mediates " as being " immediates," must have been 
so at that time also — it was still considerable. With the 
Swiss he entered into fresh negotiations. Yet another 
danger threatened. Having intended a French war, and 
having undertaken a Venetian campaign, the danger 
threatening him did not come from France and Switzerland, 
as he had feared, but from Venice, which he did not fear. 

The first move was made by Bartholomew d'Alvian, 
Captain of the Signorie, against Sixt Trautson, the Com- 
mander of Cadore. The Emperor had bidden him pull down 
the houses in the valley, and barricade himself. Trautson 
thought that mountains and snow were sufficient to pro- 
tect him. 3 But through snow and defiles came Alvian, 
and found his enemy. Above, he was encircled by the pea- 
sants on the hills, who pelted him with stones : below, by 
Alvian' s infantry, which attacked him with fire-arms, and 
was, at length, with his gallant band, who preferred death 
to surrender, overcome, and Cadore fell. 4 Then Alvian 
looked further afield. All the passes, with the exception of 
the G-orz pass, were strongly defended. Then Hans Aursperg 
wrote to the Princes of Brandenburg and Brunswick, who 
were in the Pusterthal and at Trent, that, "with his 
Carniolans he was much too weak to hold this large broad 
road ; but that, on the other hand, they were almost too 
well furnished with troopers and cannon for their passes : 
they should come to his assistance." 5 

The Princes, though warned, paid no attention to the 
summons. Alvian knew how to take advantage of his 
opportunity. He had 10,000 Venetians, French, and 

1 Letter in Datt, 572, f. 

2 Vet tori, 230. 

3 Maximilian's instruction in Gobel, f. 1, and letter to Trent, 

4 Naugerii Oratio de Alviano, 3,4; Vettori, 232. 

5 Aursperg to the princes in Gobel, f. 28 and 36. 



278 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Spaniards, took guns and scaling ladders with him, and 
on the 9th April, 1508, fell upon the G-orz road, and first 
upon Kramaun, and stormed it. The country was unpro- 
tected, the inhabitants servile and discouraged, regarding 
the Signorie of Venice as their suzerain. The danger was 
imminent. Letters were hurriedly sent to all their neigh- 
bours : " Help, speed, haste, only haste ! How can the poor 
walls of G-orz withstand their cannon ? Triest, Karst, and 
the whole of Austria will soon be lost. Let us not be de- 
stroyed by these Italians." x Forthwith a summons was 
sent through Carinthia, the Steyermark, and Carniola: 
" every man should present himself with armour and wea- 
pons, as soon as he heard the bells ring and shots fired, 
otherwise not only the houses but the churches would be in 
danger " — the solitary churches loved by the people. 2 But 
the Carinthians replied, " the 700 men in their passes, 
with the horses of the country, were their hope and defence, 
and these could not be dispensed with." The Styrians 
replied, " they were threatened by the Hungarians." The 
Carniolans, whose nobles were equipped with 700 horses, 
said that, " they required the help of disciplined troops ; 
if the nobles were for compelling them, without bring- 
ing such troops into the field, they would rather strike 
them dead." Only Eric came with 1,400 men, but did 
not venture into the open field, "for he was too weak." 3 

Thus it happened that, on Easter Eve, after Andrew 
Lichtenstein had held out in the crumbling walls of G-orz 
a day longer than he had promised, and had repulsed an 
assault, was obliged to surrender. 

Immediately after, Wippach and Duino fell. When the 
people of Triest thrice saw with their own eyes a ship of 
the Venetian fleet approach with a white flag, and their 
garrison again open fire, they murmured together, " that 
was a bad business, for 100 years past they had lived 
under the aegis of Austria, and would still continue so to 
live ; but they must have assistance." When now bom- 
barded from the sea, they saw Bartholomew approach 

1 Three letters of Aursperg, 38, 43, 45. 

2 Two summonses of Eric of Brunswick, 45, 46. 

3 Replies of the Carinthians, 65 ; of Reichemburg, 76 5 and of 
Aursperg, 65, to Eric, and his Letter, f. 79. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's attack. 279 

from the land, and no help near, they surrendered, and 
bought themselves free from pillage. Hans Thur still 
held out for a while upon the almost inaccessible rocks 
of Mitterburg, and Hans Rauber in St. Veit am Pflaum ; 
but they also called in vain for men and weapons and also 
they surrendered. Portenau had long since fallen, and 
the garrison was seen flying to Laybach. In this general 
disaster, only Bernhardt Reiniger on the Adelsberg showed 
real German courage. He scattered the first horse who ap- 
proached for the sake of plunder. He took Savorgnano 
prisoner, shortly before the end of his victories. His castle 
fired and in ruins, he accepted safe conduct, and marched 
away. 1 

What Aursperg had said, was fulfilled to the letter. The 
Germans had lost forty- seven good towns. 

Maximilian, the while, was journeying dejectedly up and 
down the Bhine. 2 Not enough that the attack upon Venice 
had proved so disastrous for him, on the other side of his 
realm, in the Netherlands, even Charles of Guelders was 
waging a successful campaign against him. This enemy was 
encamped in the strong Castle of Pouderoyen, at the con- 
fluence of the Waal and the Meuse, whence he had levied 
toll upon seventy-two villages and upon all the ships in the 
rivers. Sometimes he would ride through a rainy night upon 
bad roads and appear the next morning before a distant 
town, and fire it. In this way Weesp was burnt. The pro- 
phecy of their mermaid, " Muiden shall remain Muiden," 
availed the inhabitants of that city nought on this occasion, 
and it too was taken. In short, the Duke of Guelders kept 
the whole of the Netherlands in terror. 3 And, in addition 
to all this, Maximilian was filled with the gravest appre- 
hensions of an insurrection in his realm. 4 

For one moment he must breathe. Whilst then the 
Prince of Anhalt succeeded at this crisis in seizing 
Pouderoyen, 5 he directed his military operations against 

1 Letter of the Kriegsrathe, 69; of the people of Triest, 71 ; and 
of Thur and Rauber, 72, 75. Bembus, 164-166. 

3 Diary of 1508, in Hormayr's Oesterreich : Plutarch, v. 

3 Hermannus, Bellum Gelricum in Matthaei Analectis Medii JEvi, i. 
503-523. 4 Letter of Maximilian in Datt, 575. 

5 Letter in Maxim, in Beckmann's Anhaltische Chronik. v. ii. 128. 



280 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Guelder s alone, and ordered the Bishop of Trent to con- 
clude a truce with Venice. 

Some of the elders of the Venetian Senate had frequently, 
but vainly, warned their fellows that: "it would suffice, 
were they to act solely on the defensive ; that offensive opera- 
tions would only arouse new enemies." Not therein alone did 
the difficulty of their position consist, but in the entangle- 
ment of their relations with the Great Powers. Louis XII. 
who regarded the war in the Alps and in the Netherlands 
as one single affair, both parts being connected through 
his influence in Switzerland, demanded that Venice should 
include Guelders in the truce. The friends, who were 
advantageously situated, should protect him who was 
at a disadvantage. But to this the Venetians refused 
to agree. It is perhaps the grandest moment in their 
policy, that, after having overcome the Emperor, they re- 
fused to listen to the demands of France. They could not 
be prevailed upon to do more than restore Adelsberg to the 
Emperor : in all other respects, a truce was granted them 
for three years. 1 Maximilian, of course, felt himself terribly 
aggrieved, but Louis almost equally so, as the Vene- 
tians had refused him that consideration to which the ser- 
vices rendered them would appear to entitle him. And 
thus it came about, that Maximilian and Louis, between 
whom the struggle that had just burst forth principally 
lay, drew closer together. In July, 1508, Maximilian went 
to Bois le Due, and then to his daughter and grandchildren. 
Negotiations were entered into between Cardinal Amboise 
and Maximilian's daughter, Margaret ; they were, however, 
rendered difficult of a satisfactory issue, owing to Maxi- 
milian's refusal to desist from attacking Guelders, and by 
Louis' attitude, on the other hand, who would not be pre- 
vented from assailing Navarre. Margaret said, her head 
ached from the business. 2 But at last an understanding 
was arrived at. Muiden and Weesp were restored to the 
Emperor, whilst the King was guaranteed his Milanese in- 
vestiture. Maximilian desisted from his schemes upon 
Guelders, and Louis from his against Navarre. But the 

1 Bembus, Histor. Venet., 167. Seissel, L'Excellence de la Victoire 
d'Aignadel in Godefroy's collection for Louis XII., p. 268. 

2 Margaret to Maximilian, in the Lettres de Louis, i. 134, f. 



ch. in.] Maximilian's attack. 281 

main outcome was this. They both resolved upon a joint 
attack upon Venice, by which they considered themselves 
aggrieved. Thus did the League of Cambray of the 10th 
December, 1508, originate. It was an alliance of the two 
powerful princes against a city, which had the audacity to 
take up an independent position between them. All princes 
who had any claims upon Venice, or rather upon its lands 
and possessions, were to be invited to join in the operations. 
The borders of Milan and Naples were to be readjusted in 
favour of Louis and Ferdinand, those of the Empire and 
Austria, in favour of Maximilian, and those of the State of 
the Church in favour of the Pope. 1 In this arrangement 
an erroneous, but as appears from the above-named de- 
scription of Italy, 2 popular idea was followed, namely, that 
as Padua, Vicenza, and Verona primarily belonged to the 
Empire, they were given to it. 

True, Maximilian could not possibly more easily exchange 
loss for compensation on the one side, and attain a victory 
on the other, than by entering into this league. He was 
the first to swear the compact of Cambray. Then did 
Louis, in the palace of Bourges, after sermon and mass, 
affix his seal to it; he showed himself very much de- 
lighted. An old plan had now ripened to accomplishment. 
Ferdinand dallied until March, 1509 ; he then laid his 
hand on the altar, and swore it by the Holy Eucharist. 3 
The Pope unwillingly resorted to this extreme measure, 
often as he had threatened to do so, and although he had 
always incited Emperor and King to it. He went once 
more with the Venetian ambassador, George Pisani, to 
Civita Vecchia. The sea was tranquil, only a light cool 
wind filled the sails; he was lively and kindly disposed. 
He thought if only vassals were placed in his cities, 
like the Malatesti, he could endure this, and spare Italy 
this war. He proposed this course to the ambassador. 
Pisani coldly and proudly replied : "It is not our habit 
to make kings," and did not even announce the pro- 
posal to Venice. Then did Julius also confirm the league, 

1 Treaty in Dumont, iv. 110-115. 

2 Descriptio, 435. 

3 Gattinara's reports to the Austrian Court; Lettres de Louis, i. 167, 
and Petri Martyris Epistotee, 410. 



282 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

pronounced his ban upon Doge, senate, and the subjects of 
Venice ; ordered his nephew, Francis Maria, the young 
Duke of Urbino — for G-uidubaldo was dead — into the field, 
and prepared for the struggle. 1 



5. The fall of the Military Power and of the Trade of 
Venice in 1509. 

Thus the very existence of Venice was in extreme jeopardy. 
Its trade depended upon the relations between Asia and 
Europe, and now, in India, Portuguese and Moors were 
engaged in a deadly struggle as to whether these should 
last longer or not. The acquisitions of Venice were due 
to the feuds of its neighbours, and thus it was that" its 
neighbours had now leagued together more powerfully 
than ever to wrest from it the possessions obtained by 
conquest. The first struggle was, for the most part, in 
foreign lands, the second in their own, and to this latter 
they devoted their whole strength, and were self-confident 
enough not to fear for the issue. 

As a matter of fact, the league was not as powerful as it 
appeared. Maximilian and Julius had both misgivings as 
to Louis, the first on account of G-uelders, and the latter on 
account of Amboise's old schemes. Louis and Ferdinand, 
on the other hand, were afraid of Maximilian ; the former 
for Milan, the latter for Naples. 2 They were negotia- 
ting, and had concluded alliances against each other, 
before ever their joint and common league became a " fait 
accompli." 

Was it then impossible for the Venetians to detach one 
or other from this league ? It must be confessed that, had 
they succeeded, they would havejprofited but little ; besides 
which, Ferdinand never moved a finger until all was settled. 
At the beginning of April, Maximilian was in Xanten, in- 
stead of in Trent. The Venetians were undaunted at the 
Papal preparations : it was only Louis — the Louis whom 

1 Erklarung zum Bund, p. H 6. Bembus, 173. Rainaldus, Annates 
Eccl., xx. 65. 

2 Lettres de Louis, i. 161. Zurita, ii. 178. 



CH. III.] THE FALL OF THE MILITARY POWER. 283 

they themselves had invited to Italy — whom they really 
dreaded. To gain him over, appeared to them perhaps un- 
feasible, and, it might be, not even to their advantage. If we 
inquire what had really incited Louis against Venice, we 
shall at once perceive that it was not Julius's election to 
the Papal chair in the stead of Amboise ; for the share 
Amboise himself had in this election is much more definite 
than that of Venice. He must have had other reasons, which 
declared themselves now and then. In the year 1501, he 
was impelled, as it appears, by nothing but his right, which 
he had from the Visconti ; in the year 1504, by the open 
assistance the Venetians afforded the Spaniards, and, at 
present, the irritating factor was the truce they had con- 
cluded with Maximilian, without regard being paid to his de- 
mands. The hatred ever cherished by the prince and the nobles 
against the powerful communes was also a very powerful 
factor. " These fishermen," they said, " must be driven 
back again into their lagoons to catch fish." 1 And thus 
Montjoye, the first French king-at-arms, appeared in his 
" cotta," embroidered with golden lilies, on the threshold 
of the great hall in Venice, and there proclaimed war upon 
the Republic ; war for life and death, with fire and sword, 
on land and sea, until the lands, which they had torn from 
others, were completely restored. 2 

" Father herald," replied Loredano to Montjoye, " God, 
whom no one can deceive, will decide between us." Their 
envoy in France said : " the world will see whether brute 
force or intellect will be triumphant." 3 It was sure to come 
to a struggle between them one day, and it may be in anti- 
cipation thereof, that they had summoned the French to 
Italy. Many entertained the hope that a glorious victory 
would be theirs, and Italy at last ridded of them. 

With this thought they equipped and prepared for action. 
All the most tried knights of Italy — for the last glory of 
their country was at stake— took their money and formed 
their heavy cavalry. 4 From Apulia and Eomagna came 

1 Chaumont's words in Macchiavelli, Legazione alia corte di Francia 
of the year 1504. 

2 Gamier, " Histoire de France," xxii. 163, and Darn. Hist, de 
Venese, iii. 3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 48. 

4 Senarega, De rebus Genuensibus, 596. 



284 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

their infantry, the best being that formed by Dionigi di 
Naldi Berzighella, the head of a party in the Val di Lamone, 
from the inhabitants of this valley, and so well disciplined, 
that other companies also were organized after their pattern, 
all dressed in red and green, and called Brisignels. 1 For the 
peasants and citizens, a kind of Landwehr had been already 
organized. The coasts of Hlyria, the Peloponnese, the iEgean 
sea and Hellespont sent light Greek horse. Half savage 
archers, the Sagdars, came from Crete. 2 

The supreme commander of this force was Pitigliano, a 
man who had never yet made a resolve, to say nothing of a 
deed, without a propitious constellation, and whom years — 
he was already over sixty — had made still more circum- 
spect. 3 His lieutenant, Alviano, commanded the infantry. 
Of constellations the latter knew this much, that Mars was 
in the highest heaven when he was cut from his mother's 
body. He was small of stature and weakly in appearance, 
but yet had slain bears ; his troops sometimes mocked at 
his figure, but he controlled them so rigorously, that not 
even a baggage boy would dare to desert the standard. 
His decisions sometimes looked like violence of temper, and 
his punishments seemed cruel; but afterwards, when he had 
cooled down, he was gentle and generous, and quite master 
of himself. By nature he was the boldest of the bold. 4 Seeing 
that many ascribed to him G-onzal's victory on the G-ariglian, 
and, as he had conquered both Istria and Grorz, his renown 
was fresher, and his fame greater than Pitigliano' s was. 
Only in one thing did both agree together, that Pitigliano 
was justly proud of having never served a foreign poten- 
tate, and that Alvian conceived that he would now be able 
to defend Italy from the barbarians. He of the two had 
the boldest hopes. "If he might give reins to his horse 
and outrun the train and transport of his army, he would 
have Milan within three days. Had he not driven the 
French out of Naples ? And the King was now approach- 

1 Bayard, 133. Note to Macchiavelli, Opp. iii. p. 6, from MSS. 

2 Bembus, 157. Mocenicus, Historia belli Cameriacensis, in Graevius, 
v. 4, 9. 

3 Alexander Benedictus, De rebus Caroli, p. 1617. 

4 Jovius, Elogium virorum bellica virtute illustrium, p. 219, from 
Alvian's Commentaries. Navagerus, Oratio de Alviano, p. 5, 6, &c. 



CH. III.] THE FALL OP THE MILITAEY POWER. 285 

ing : but lie would bring him back, bound a prisoner, to 
Venice." He had with him an ensign emblazoned, upon 
which was a winged lion tearing an eagle. His cry was 
" Italy, freedom." l 

But we must remember that all were not as sanguine as 
he was. Many thought that they ought to be satisfied, 
if, perhaps, Cesena and Imola were victorious over the 
Pope, and Genoa was roused by the Fregosi to revolt. The 
Signorie ordered that the attack be awaited behind in- 
trenchments, and the campaign restricted to assistance 
afforded to places attacked. Amongst the people there was 
a presentiment that some disaster was approaching. A 
great conflagration, which at that time burnt down the 
arsenal, was regarded as a heaven-sent sign. But more still 
was said to have happened. The Virgin Mary was said to 
have been seen in the sea sitting on a log and saying, 
" Weep, country, weep." 2 

In April, 1509, the war commenced. The French soon 
crossed the Adda and cried " France," and then the Vene- 
tians crossed and cried "Liberta." Then the French, the 
Mantuans, who as well as the Ferrarians had joined the 
league, and the Papal troops simultaneously assaulted 
Treviglio, Casalmaggiore, and Berzighella respectively, and 
all three places fell. But, as they pushed on further, 
the first two were repulsed, and only the Papal troops 
succeeded in taking Eussi. But the Venetians did not 
trouble themselves about the Papal army; they at- 
tacked the French with great fury. In Eipalta they drove 
out all who appeared to them to be suspicious, boys of 
fifteen and old men of seventy years ; they then marched 
upon Treviglio for pillage, although situated in their own 
country. 3 

King Louis was in Milan, and intended remaining there 
two days, when, late in the night, Trivulzio came to him 
from the Adda with the tidings that : " Treviglio was 
being bombarded, and torches were being incessantly 

1 Arluni, De bello Veneto, ii. 57. Seissel, L'Excellence, &c, 308. 
Senarega, Ehrenspiegel. 

2 Joh. P. Vallerianus, Carmen ad Satellicum, in Koscoe, App. i. 5S6. 

3 Petrus Martyr, Epp. ep., 413. Principally Ccelius Rhodiginus, 
Lectiones antiquse, v. 190, 



286 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

waved from the walls, as a sign that it could barely hold 
out ; but he felt himself too weak to save it." The King 
assembled his hommes d'armes in the morning, rode in full 
accoutrements through their lines, and set out. 1 On the 
way thither, he learned that the White Knight, his com- 
mander in Treviglio, had been made prisoner, and that the 
city was lost ; the burghers of the city, who had been 
plundered and expelled by the Venetians, who spared neither 
the nuns nor the Holy Sacrament, and were looking for 
shelter in Milan, came to meet him. He pressed on ; on the 
6th of May, he transported his soldiers across the Adda, by 
two pontoon bridges, the one for the infantry and the other 
for the horse, and confronted the enemy ; 2 he in the valley, 
they on the hills. He could thus either attack the foe in 
his camp or force him to come down into the valley. 
The camp, however, was too strong to be taken by assault, 
and in order, therefore, to compel him to come down, he irri- 
tated him for four days in vain with skirmishers ; on the fifth 
day, the King went to attack cities in the rear of the enemy. 
He took Eipalta, and on Monday, the 14th of May, ad- 
vanced upon Pandino. The roll of his army showed a 
strength of 28,232 men ; the first division was commanded 
by Chaumont, the second by the King in person, and the 
third by Longueville. 3 Thus had come about what ;the 
Venetian Signorie had preconcerted, and Alviano's thirst for 
battle could no longer be restrained. "What use to a 
country is a soldier, if he allows it to be pillaged and plun- 
dered?" Therefore, whilst the French slowly advanced 
along the valley of the Adda, the Venetians, 33,000 men 
strong, hurried along the shorter road across the mountains, 
in order to anticipate them by arriving first at Pandino. 
Arms it is true rule the world, and the result of cen- 
turies of wisdom depends upon the issue of a single 
battle. Just where their two roads met, Alviano and the first 
French division caught sight of each other, and the French 
hegan the attack. 

Alviano, eager for the fray, as soon as the first shots had 
been fired, being under the impression that the first 

1 Rosmini, Vita di Trivulzio, i. 392. Arluni, 63. Seissel, 299. 
3 Symphorian Champier, in Godefroy, 338. Bayard, 133. 
3 Bembus, 184-186. Champier's model roll, 344-354. 



CH. III.] THE FALL OF THE MILITARY POWER. 287 

division formed the King's whole army, and wishing to 
protect his rear and flank from the attacking enemy, planted 
his thirty-six guns in the brushwood, and summoning Piti- 
gliano to his assistance, hurled himself with his infantry 
through the vineyards and over the ditches at the enemy. 
The French gave way. Chaumont sent to the King, saying : 
" Sire, you must fight." Louis immediately sent Bourbon 
and Tremouille to his aid ; behind them, sword in hand, 
and surrounded by princes and pensioners, came the King 
himself ; then the standards waved and the rest of the army 
came up. It was in the midst of a thunderstorm, and the 
rain falling like hail appears to have concealed the arrival 
of the King from the Venetians. But as soon as they saw 
him — I can imagine that the lightnings burst through 
the gloom and gleamed on the steel armour, illuminating 
the field of battle — when they realized that the enemy was 
receiving assistance, their courage sank. Yet, for a while, 
the Brisignels gallantly and well withstood the charge of 
the King's Swiss and Grascons. Here lay the issue. It was 
upon peasants and shepherds from the high valleys of the 
Alps, from the Apennines and Pyrenees, that the fate of 
Venice lay. What did it matter to them ? They were 
only bent on plunder. Now the Italians had their booty 
with them from Treviglio, and their sole care was to secure 
it, whether by victory or flight. The French and Germans 
had made no booty, and were, therefore, all the more eager 
to obtain it ; and so the Brisignels were driven back. 
Alviano, in the thick of the fray, was wounded just as he 
was about to exchange his tired steed for a fresh one, and 
was almost immediately taken prisoner. All his troops 
fled precipitately ; they in their wild career communicated 
their terror to Pitigliano's men, to whom they had not 
been able to communicate their courage, and they too fled. 
The day was completely lost. The King gazed on the 
great number of fallen and vowed a chapel to Maria Vic- 
toria for the repose of their souls. 1 

The story as told by most historians is to the effect, that 
of four divisions Alviano commanded the last, and that the 

1 St. Gelais, Histoire de Louis XIL, 213-215. Champier, 340. 
Leferron, iv. 87. Fleuranges, Memoires, 47. Bembus, 188. 



288 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

others were too far ahead to come to his assistance. 1 Some 
will have it, that the first and attacking column was under 
Alviano's command, but that Pitigliano, who had quarrelled 
with him in Treviglio, looked on at the battle from the 
hills, and would not stir to come to his assistance. 2 

That Pitigliano was in the rear, seems to be confirmed 
by the retreat, which took the road to Caravaggio ; had he 
gone before to Crema, he would not have gone back thither 
again, which would have been tantamount to throwing him- 
self upon the victorious enemy's sword. 3 Pitigliano alone 
now endeavoured, though in vain, to rally his soldiers round 
the standard. They had lost their fame ; but they would 
not lose their lives and booty as well. Some would not 
place their names again upon the rolls ; some did so, re- 
ceived fresh pay, and then fled. The citizens of Brescia 
refused to be incommoded with an army such as this ; they 
would only receive such of their men who were amongst 
them. In Peschiera, the army despaired of holding together ; 
it found the gates of Yerona closed against it, and, having 
for a while bivouacked upon the heath, took its way to 
Mestre, on the coast. Louis pursued the fugitives. The 
castle of Caravaggio held out three days ; all other places 
surrendered at the first blast of the trumpet. In Brescia, 
the King rode up the steps into the upper court of the 
palace without meeting with resistance, and it was only 
Peschiera that needed to be stormed. 4 The inhabitants 
of Ferrara rang their bells, drove out the Yisdomino, and 
restored the Polesin. The Pope proclaimed the victory in 
an Italian sermon, and occupied Rimini and Faenza. The 
Germans appeared on the Lago di Garda, in Prioli and 
beyond Yicenza. Many advised King Louis to press on to 

1 Bembus, Guicciardini, Petrus Martyr, 416. Many others. 

2 Nardi, iv. 23. Appendix to Monstrelet, 240. Arluni, 69. Espe- 
cially Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones antiquse, 190, and Carpesanus, 1264. 

3 In the letters of Luigi da Porto (Lettere Storiche di Luigi da Porto 
Vicentino per aura di Bressau), which appeared in 1857, and which 
cannot properly be regarded as letters, but as a history in the form of 
letters, of the years 1509-13, all is ascribed to fate : "che avea disposto il 
cielo, che uno exercito possente a vincere, e combattendo anche con gran 
valore, dall' inimico cosi tosto e compiutamente battuto " (p. 36). 

4 Mocenicus, 16. Petrus Justinianus, Kerum Venetarum libri, 
p. 375. 



CH. III.] THE FALL OF THE MILITARY POWER. 289 

the coast, and crown his triumph by utterly destroying 
Venice. 1 

In Venice itself, when, after Alviano's many letters, all 
promising victory, the news of this great disaster arrived, 
the Senate speedily assembled, the merchants closed their 
shops, the monks, mindful of the Pope's ban, fled, and the 
people, crying aloud, besieged the palace. The remnant of 
the army, 6,000 strong, had no inclination to fight more. 
Thereupon the Doge also invited Peter Barbo, an old, sick 
man, to the council ; he had not attended the sittings of the 
Senate for a long time past, but he now put on his official 
dress, and was carried in a palanquin into the hall ; yet he 
could give no other advice, but to trust in God's protection. 
Matteo Priuli was the first to propose that they should give 
up the subjected cities. This proposal was adopted : " Thus 
does a skipper throw cargo overboard to save his ship." 
Whilst twelve men examined the coast, to find where an 
attack would be least easy, whilst orders were des- 
patched to Cyprus to open all stores, and all salt ships 
were commanded to load corn instead of salt, whilst the 
mills at Trevigi were grinding day and night, and pre- 
parations were being made to utilize the islands and the 
sea, whilst strangers who had no business connections 
were expelled, envoys were sent to Maximilian, assuring 
him that " the Venetians would retire from Verona, 
Vicenza, and Padua ; " others were on their way to Naples, 
saying that : " the harbours and cities of Apulia were open 
to the King of Spain," others again repaired to the Pope, 
inviting him to occupy Rimini and Cervia. 2 These reso- 
lutions may perhaps be called heroic. The republic wished 
to get rid of all its conquests on the mainland, in order to 
be able to maintain itself, and perhaps compel its enemies 
to sign peace. The surrendered cities were ordered to sub- 
ject themselves ; how, otherwise, could the Paduan nobles 
have been enabled to boast that the Emperor, thanks to 
them, was lord of Padua? 3 Their former surrender to 
Venice had had the semblance of liberty, and so now, 

1 Paris de Grassis ap. Rainaldum, 68, and the quotations. 

2 Bembus, 196 f. Petrus Justinianus ; Ehrenspiegel, 1260. Vettori, 
Sandi, whence Darn, iii. 347. 

3 Macchiavelli, Legazione of 1510. 

IT 



290 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. II. 

Venice being unable to protect them, they received back 
of her, if not their oath of allegiance, at all events the 
liberty of choosing and electing their lord. As the Vene- 
tians later speak of criminal faithlessness, they must have 
expected that these cities would still hold out for them. 1 
But the cities were dismayed as well as Venice, and so 
surrendered themselves, each to him whose claims the 
League had recognized. 

Thus did the military power of Venice, and the hope of 
the Italian patriots, come to the dust. One single comfort 
yet remained, and a small comfort that; all Italians en- 
gaged in the battle who were wounded had been wounded in 
the head and breast, and not in the back. 2 

During these months of preparation and decision, the 
tidings reached Venice of the issue of the struggle in 
India. It was perhaps not less unexpected. For the opera- 
tions of Mir Hossein and the Egyptian fleet at first were 
successful. Mir Hossein discovered Don Lourenzo in the 
harbour of Schaul, where the shallow water never allowed 
the Portuguese to come to close quarters, and board. 
Lourenzo, in attempting to gain the open sea, stuck fast 
between fishing poles, when Mir Hossein attacked him. 
The hero, covered with wounds, was laid under the mast, 
where he kept encouraging his men to the onslaught, until 
lie was at last slain by a bullet in the breast. 3 

But the Mamelukes and Moors did not long rejoice over 
their triumph. Francisco, on hearing of the death of his only 
son, exclaimed, " Whoever loved him, let him not lament, 
bat help me to avenge him ; " and four days after the League 
of Cambray had been concluded, December, 1508, he sailed 
out to. find Hossein. He burnt Dabul, a city of the Zambai, 
who had summoned Hossein to his assistance, and spared 
not a soul therein. On the 3rd February, 1509, he sailed 
against his enemy into the harbour of Diu ; each of his 
ships singled out one of the enemy's, attacked, and boarded 
it. Whilst the struggle was going on on the ships, the 
prames of Kolikod, and the princes of Diu, anticipating 

1 Coelius Ehodiginus, Lectiones ant., 191. Arluni, i. 86. Paul Jovius, 
Epitome, libri x., Histor., p. 89. 

2 Senarega, Res Genuens., 596. 

3 Barros, ii. 2-8. Osorius, 170. 



CH. III.] THE FALL OF THE MILITARY POWER. 291 

what the issue would be, slipped away. Neither Dalma- 
tians nor Venetians helped the Egyptians : they sank, 
or surrendered. Mir Hossein sprang on shore, mounted a 
horse, and escaped. Lourenzo was at length revenged. 
The coast cities of the Sultan thereafter could not pay him 
tribute more. The last hope of the Yenetians was broken ; 
and the Portuguese, without whose safe conduct no ship 
durst more enter the Indian Ocean, were completely masters 
of the situation. That was the time, Princess Helena of 
Abyssinia wrote, which Christ foretold to his blessed 
Mother : "In the land of the Franks a king would arise, 
who would destroy the whole race of the Moors and 
barbarians." * 

From that time, Italy ceased to be the " inner court in the 
house of the world," as Ascanio Sforza expressed himself, 
and the centre of the European trade. The 3rd February, 
1509, crushed the trade, and the 14th May, 1509, the 
military power of Venice. 

What is it that exalts nations, and brings them low ? 
Is it the course of their natural development, their growth 
and decay, as is the case with human beings ? Bat external 
circumstances often marvellously co-operate to accomplish 
this end. Or is it, perhaps, a divine and predestined 
fatality for destruction or prosperity ? The growing and 
flourishing state is girt round by other living forces, 
which prevent its expanding immeasurably. Venice had 
sprung up when its neighbours were weak; it now 
came into collision with stronger powers, and whilst de- 
veloping itself widely, and occupying an independent 
position in their midst, it was attacked by them, and over- 
come. And simultaneously a new maritime power, which 
sought and found another centre, sapped those resources 
which had enabled it to rise so high. Venice could not 
become more than it now was ; but, in its present state, it 
might still assert itself. 

1 Barros, ii. iii. 6. Osorius, 196. Literae Helenae, ap. Eamusium, 
i. 177. 



292 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 



6. The War of the Venetians to save their City and a part of 
their territory. 

After these great blows had fallen upon it, and Venice was 
stripped of all save itself, and what it had once acquired 
in the oriental expeditions against the Turks, Julius and 
Ferdinand resolved to stay their hand, and to spare the rest. 
The former desired this course, for the city was an eye of 
Italy ; the latter, because he was involved at that moment 
in his Moorish campaigns, and was mindful of his Cata- 
lonian claims to Neopatri and Athens : " Had he only 
3,000 lansquenets, in addition to 20,000 Spaniards, he 
would even take Constantinople itself." x Louis and Maxi- 
milian, on the other hand, were for utterly annihilating 
Venice ; and to this intent they joined hands, through the 
intervention of Amboise. 2 It was not until after the battle, 
that Louis received the Duke of Savoy into his camp, who 
demanded Cyprus. It was not until the 29th of May, that 
Maximilian, through many princes, counts, knights, and 
servants of the realm, proclaimed hostilities against Venice. 
He showed himself most energetic ; he declared to the 
princes of the realm that the territory of Venice had been 
already won, and that he was now minded to take to the 
sea, and annihilate also the rest of their power. His plan 
was, with a Papal and a Spanish fleet, to attack the city 
from the sea, whilst a German and a French army, ad- 
vancing down from the Brenta, invested the city on the land 
side, and reduced it. It could be divided up into four dis- 
tricts, and each prince could have a castle there. 3 

With these schemes in view, he made his preparations. 
Shortly before this, the three ships which the Fugger had 
despatched to Kolikod returned, and the instant gain of 
175 per cent, made this house wealthy enough to pay him 
the money which Julius, Ferdinand, and Louis, each for 
different reasons, had promised him ; namely, 300,000 

1 Paris de Grassis, in Eainaldus and Zurita, 185, 196. 

2 Zurita, 194, also Dumont, iv.l, 117. 

3 Fehdebrief (challenge), in Goldast, Reichshandlung, 92. Handel- 
lunge auf dem Wormser Reichstag, 96. Zurita, 182, 195. 



CH. III.] THE WAR OF THE VENETIANS. 293 

ducats, 1 so that the profits of the Eastern trade were not 
merely withdrawn from Venice, but were even employed 
against her. But before he had finished preparing, his 
undertaking began to wear a different aspect. 

On Louis' return to Milan, he was received with a 
triumphal arch, upon which were represented his achieve- 
ments, his counsel, his march and his battle, the Nobili of 
Yenice finding also a place thereon. In their flowing robes, 
with hand on breast, and faces serious and reflecting, they 
were to be seen looking as though it was not their sole 
purpose to defend themselves, but to repair the damage 
and to punish the faithless. 2 The facts are these. In the 
"Venetian territories, both parties, rulers and subjects, 
appear at first to have believed that they could dispense 
each with the other. When the rulers saw that their 
enemies would not be satisfied with the possessions which 
they had renounced in their favour, but intended to subject 
even them themselves, and found that they needed a bulwark 
for their defence, and when now their subjects were by 
the rigour of the new government reminded of the cle- 
mency of the old, they both perceived that human unions 
are not as easily dissolved as cemented, but grow into a 
natural cohesion, the rending of which asunder is equiva- 
lent to jeopardizing life. 

This was first realized in Trevigi, which lay amidst the 
estates of the Venetian nobles, and in Padua, whose daily 
traffic with Venice required at least eighty boats, and 
which yearly sold to Venice corn and the produce of its 
orchards and vineyards, to the value of 40,000 ducats. 3 
When Leonardo Trissino appeared in Trevigi, to occupy 
that city in the name of the Emperor, it only required a 
shoemaker to raise the standard and the cry of " San 
Marco," for the whole of the people to join him. Had it 
not, 175 years previously, in similar distress, of its own 
accord thrown its fate in with that of Venice ? It again 
received a Venetian garrison within its walls. The Impe- 
rialists were already in possession of Padua. Yet when, 

1 Ehrenspiegel, 1295. 

2 Arlunij De bello Veneto, 81. 

3 Savonarola, Commentarius de laudibus Patavii, in Muratori, 24, 
1176, 1180. 



294 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

in the early morning of the 27th of July, 1509, Andrea 
Grritti had surprised one of the gates — muffled mnsketeers 
behind hay waggons, each seizing one man of the guard, 
and 2,000 in reserve in a neighbouring thicket — and dash- 
ing through the streets raised the national cry, the people 
here also declared for Venice, and the lansquenets were 
forced to retire. The chiefs of the nobles were punished 
for having surrendered their city. 1 

But the war, owing to these circumstances, began to wear 
a changed aspect. Towards the autumn, Maximilian arrived 
on the scene with twenty-six princes and 12,000 horse — 
La Palice, Bayard, and French and Spanish auxiliaries with 
him — with more than one hundred cannon and so many 
lansquenets that his army was 50,000 men strong ; like 
a true emperor, in the hope of a battle such as Louis 
had fought and won. 2 The peasants in the mountains sur- 
rendered themselves, those living nearer the plain fled with 
wife and child, with cattle and chattels, to the lagoons, 
behind banks and dykes; they drove 10,000 head of cattle 
to Cavarzere, 20,000 to Montalban, and thus we can see how 
the lagoons were peopled in bygone days; but no army 
appeared. 3 Only Padua opposed its triangular fortifica- 
tions, with walls sixty feet in height, and five-fold escarp- 
ments, to the enemy's advance. Loredano, now convinced 
that the star of Venice depended upon the cities on the 
mainland being saved, set the Venetians a new example, 
and, though no noble had ever before served on land, 
now offered both his sons for the defence of Padua. 4 
They were joined by 174 other young Nobili, each accom- 
panied by ten men, bound to them for life and death. 
Thus they came, in all 10,000 men, to Padua. One day 
they were all assembled on the Pra della Valla, before the 
church of St. Justina, Padua's patron saint. Here an altar 
was raised, and upon it placed a copy of the Holy Oospels ; 
after mass they one and all advanced to the table, and lay- 

1 Mocenicus, i. 21, 23. Coelius Rhodiginus, Lectiones ant., 191. 
Arluni, 86. Bembus, 203. 

2 Bayard, 144. Jovius, Vita Alfonsi Ducis Ferrar., 156. Weis- 
kunig, 290. 

3 Petrus Justinianus, 372. Mocenicus, 30. 

4 Naugerii Oratio in funere Leonardi Lauretani, 1530, f. 31, 22, 36, 
18. Savonarola, de laudibus, 1177. Carpesanus, 1269. 



CH. III.] THE WAR OF THE VENETIANS. 295 

ing their hand on the Gospels swore to defend the city with 
true allegiance, and with their lives. 1 

Against this city Maximilian now advanced. His letters, 
which flew into the city attached to the points of arrows, were 
not heeded. The ball's from his great mortars, which were 
placed on special carriages, and could only be fired off 
four times a day, terrified them not. Coelius Bhodiginus 
worked the while undismayed at his book " Lectiones 
antiquse." The storm made by some Spanish companies of 
the Gonzal- school upon a bastion, which they scaled, turned 
to their own destruction, as the powder, concealed under dry 
faggots, caught fire and exploded. The lansquenets were 
ready to storm once more, if only some heavy-armed 
troops were joined with them. Maximilian really com- 
manded the French hommes d'armes, who were with him, 
to help the others, but it was not agreeable to them. 
Bayard was wroth and said : " Shall we rush into danger 
at the side of mere tailors and cobblers ? Let him send his 
German nobles with us." But these latter, on being 
appealed to, replied, " They were come to fight on horse- 
back, and not to storm." 2 Maximilian, in the vexation of 
spirit which is aroused in every energetic man by the im- 
pediments of prejudice, gave orders to break up the camp, 
and throwing garrisons into the other fortresses, left 
Italy. 

After this, the Venetian fortune was pre-eminently en- 
hanced by the attachment of all the peasants to them. It 
would often happen, when the Germans were marching 
through the valleys between the vineyards, that, where the 
defile was narrow, peasants would come out from behind 
the vines and cry : " now they are going to avenge their 
fathers, children, and wives," and then attack them. They 
often concealed themselves behind the bushes, until a 
weak detachment came by, and they then would call upon 
the Venetians, who were also concealed hard by, to come 
and murder. The Marquis of Mantua was suddenly sur- 
prised, but escaped from the soldiers ; but four peasants 
found him crouching in some Indian corn, and, in spite of 

1 Mocenicus, ii. 34. Petrus Justinianus, 384. 

2 Arluni, iii. 108. Ehrenspiegel, 1265. Zurita, 204. Chiefly Bayard, 
c. 37, p. 171. 



296 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

his great promises, they consigned him to the tower of St. 
Mark. 

The Bishop of Trent, whom the Emperor had left 
in Verona, caused a man who said he was Venetian to be 
apprehended ; the bishop ordered him to execution ; but 
he remained firm to the last. 1 Every day the situation 
grew worse. The Venetians then succeeded even in im- 
perilling Verona, and actually in taking Vicenza, Monfelice, 
Montagnana, and many other places. Immediately they 
took a place, they erected a statue of Saint Mark there, but 
no longer, as formerly, with a book, but with a sword. 2 

Maximilian again commissioned his general, Rudolf von 
Anhalt, a man called by the neighbours at home " high 
crown of the lineage of Anhalt," 3 famed for his allegiance — 
his army called him Anhalt, The True Blood — on the 7th 
April, 1510, to make incursions and ravage the land with 
fire and sword, with pillage and murder. 4 The most 
horrible deeds were done. In the G-rotto of Masono, two 
thousand men, women, and children of good family had 
taken refuge ; some of the French auxiliaries came to the 
grotto, and, making a fire at the entrance, cut off the ven- 
tilation, and all were smothered to death. 5 It was said 
that in Udine two angels with bloody swords had been 
seen upon the church top. In this war, in which sieges, 
stratagems, victories, counter-stratagems, defeats, and re- 
treats interchanged in rapid succession, they appear to 
have fulfilled their omen throughout the whole of Frioli. 6 
In Austria, some confessed that they had been hired by 
the Venetians to kindle and to burn. 

Venice no longer waged this war in order to conquer or 
to liberate Italy — these plans were past and gone — but its 
aim now was to avail itself of the almost unexpected devo- 
tion of its people, and of the general state of affairs, to 

1 Especially Machiavelli, Legazione to Mantua of the year 1519, v. 
319. Mocenicus, 40, 46. Bembus, 214. 

2 Machiavelli, ibid., 10th letter, p. 324. 

3 Letter of Hieronymus, Bishop of Brindenburg, in Beckmann's Anh. 
Chronik, v. ii. 127. 

4 Commissoriale Maximiliani, in Beckmann, 130. 

5 Maximilian's letter to the Count Palatine Louis, in Goldast, Beichs- 
handlung, 93. Bayard, 199-201. 

6 Petrus Martyr and Mocenicus, 55, 59. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 297 

regain, at all events in part, its territory and its land. 
Therefore, now that its Indian trade was ruined, it busied 
itself with a re-arrangement of commerce in the Mediter- 
ranean. Meanwhile new events took place. 



7. The Pope's Enterprises to effect the Liberation of Italy. 

" Your Holiness knows," the Venetians wrote, after their 
first disaster, to the Pope, " how we are situated : your 
Holiness will pity us. Blessed Father and Lord, our 
gracious master ! If we have obeyed your precepts, as we 
have done, may the hand that inflicted the wound deign to 
heal it." x 

The Pope thought he had humoured the League of Cam- 
bray long enough ; " if the Emperor was not in possession 
of his cities, it was due to his own negligence ; " and, on the 
20th February, 1510, in St. Peter's hall, he released Venice 
from the ban of excommunication, and, stretching out his 
hand, pronounced his blessing over the envoy of the re- 
public." His noble soul was full of grand plans, urgently 
needed for the whole of Italy. 

Amboise had supported the Emperor's expedition against 
Venice with French forces, in order that he should make 
him Pope ; and in the manuscripts of Bethune is contained 
a whole list of favours, which Amboise would confer upon 
the Emperor, as soon as he had attained his aim. 3 His own 
danger, accordingly, confirmed Julius in his old intention of 
liberating his native land, Genoa, whence his relations, the 
Fregosi, had been exiled, and thus drive the French from 
Italian soil. Formerly this was quite as much the intention 
of the Venetians as his own ; they had, however, first of 
all to fight out their quarrel together. This had now been 
done, and the power of Venice broken. Julius, then, now 
resolved to save the rest of the Venetian power, and to 
commence his work in league with the republic. The re- 

1 Epistolse Venetoruni, in Senarega, Annales Genuenses, Mura- 
tori, 23. 

2 Paris de Grassis, ap. Rainaldum, Annales Eccles.,xx. 75 ; Bembus, 
200; Dam from MSS., iii. 381. 

3 Gamier, from the MSS. xxii. 219, and Zurita. 



298 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

solve was all the bolder, as this was sure to arouse his 
enemies to wage against him that war which they other- 
wise hesitated to begin. Although his scheme was so 
dangerous that the galleys had to be kept at Ostia ready 
for sea, in order, if necessary, to enable him to escape, he yet 
adhered to it : " It suited Louis to make the other princes 
his vassals, and him his chaplain ; but he would not tole- 
rate this tyranny any longer, drive the French from Italy 
he would, and if his sins were so grievous as to prevent 
his accomplishing his purpose, he would live no longer. 
He would shed his blood for the liberation of Italy." 1 

Without delay — hesitation he knew not — he proceeded to 
action, and first of all in Ferrara and G-enoa. 

Now in Ferrara, Alfonso d'Este swayed like his fathers 
did, independently of, and uncontrolled by, either his sub- 
jects, his relations, or his superiors. His subjects he ruled 
by tribunal and sword ; he proclaimed his laws by sound 
of the trumpet, without asking any one, and punished the 
rebels with " corda " or sword. 2 He kept his brothers, Julius 
and Ferdinand, who had conspired against his life, in close 
confinement. As a result of the battle of Grhiara d'Adda, 
he had ridded himself of the Venetian Yisdomino, who 
with his processions, and his drums and fifes, did not even 
spare his court; instead of cleaving to his suzerain, the 
pope, he adhered to emperor and king. 

The Pope now demanded of this Alfonso that he should 
make peace with Venice. To make an attempt upon Genoa, 
in July, 1510, he dispatched Marc Antonio Colonna and 
the party of the Fregosi, who, in anticipation of his achieve- 
ments, called him Julius Caesar, and with the shout of 
" Liberty, Italy," came to the Riviera. 3 

But Alfonso, who, with cannon that he himself had cast, 
had shortly before, from his tower Pepos and the embank- 
ments on the river, annihilated a considerable Venetian 
fleet, which had advanced up the Po against him, would 
not assent to this peace. 4 Julius, wroth that he should 
have vassals whom he could not control, demanded yet 

1 Zurita, ii. 227, 235. 

2 Diarium Ferrarense, 229, 234, 290, everywhere. 

3 Lettres de Louis, i. 255. 

4 Bayard, 148. Coelius Khodiginus, Lectiones ant., v. 194. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 299 

more: "Alfonso should not impose any fresh burthens 
upon his subjects, should moreover set free his brother Fer- 
dinand, who was the Pope's godson, and should not, in defi- 
ance of his suzerain, send salt to Comacehio — for Augustin 
Ghisi, who had rented the saltworks in the newly acquired 
Cervia, complained of this l — this he would never have 
dared to do as long as Cervia was Venetian. " But the 
only answer Alfonso returned was either a flat refusal or a 
subterfuge: he would not obey him. 2 

The Fregosi in Genoa were equally foiled. They hoped 
that their partisans would rise, as soon as they appeared. 
But the French had, on this occasion, a well-disciplined body 
of men both inside and outside the city, and kept every- 
one in terror. It is narrated that the peasants, when the 
heads of executed rebels were sent through their villages 
and stuck on stakes to strike terror into them, dared not, 
when they saw them blown down by the wind, to come close 
and touch them. If, then, the Fregosi expected a move- 
ment on the part of their adherents, their adherents, on 
the other side, first awaited a successful achievement on 
their part. 3 

This first misadventure aroused the Pope to fresh exer- 
tions. He put Alfonso under ban and fitted out a fleet 
against Genoa. But he conceived still greater schemes, 
namely, to conquer Ferrara at a single blow, to incite a 
revolution in Genoa, to drive the French from Milan, and 
to help the Venetians triumph over the Emperor. And in 
this he looked to the Swiss for assistance. The epoch ar- 
rived in which the Swiss attained the zenith of their renown, 
both in war and politics. Let us sketch in outline their 
situation at this time. 

In February, 1509, Louis had abandoned the league with 
them, 4 and it is patent for what reason. In spite of his 
annual subsidies, he had on two occasions, the years 1501 
and 1503, almost come to open war with them, had at last 

1 Leonardo da Porta, letter in the Lettere di Principi, i. 3. 

2 Jovius, Vita Alibnsi, 160. Andre del Burgo, in the Lettres de 
Louis I., 250. 

3 Senarega, 600-603. Machiavelli, Legazione alia Corte di Francia 
V., 347. 

4 Bullinger, in Fuchs, Mailiinder Feldziige, ii. 133. Gamier, 236. 



300 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

been obliged to confirm the rights of the people of Uri to 
Bellinzona, and had never been able to satisfy the claims 
of certain mercenaries to payments long dne. And as often 
as a campaign was in prospect, the parties rose up, after his 
league with them, the same as ever before. The negotiations 
of the year 1507 against Maximilian, cost him the very con- 
siderable sum of 230,000 guilders. 1 He thought he was 
bargaining for obedient mercenaries, but found them very 
refractory allies. Now Louis, who, be it remarked, had 
always a good estimate of money, will have thought that, 
even without annual subsidies, he had secured to him his 
true partisans by secret pensions, and an army by guaran- 
teeing pay. Directly he had renounced the league, this 
supposition was confirmed. Without any annual subsidies, 
6,000 Swiss joined his standard, and, taking part in the 
Yenetian war, decided his victory on the very day that an 
alliance with Venice, which confidently promised success, 
was proposed in their own home. After the battle, nothing 
of course came of it. 2 

Whilst then the Swiss were now released of all obliga- 
tions to any prince, the patriots among them hoped that, 
in the future, every Swiss would be restrained from accepting 
foreign pay, and would hereafter live in true liberty, 
without serving in the field, and accepting money for such 
service. 

It must be confessed that this hope was not likely to be 
realized. To forego the money might not, perhaps, have 
been such a hardship either for the judges, who still sat in 
judgment beneath the fir at Lastorf, or for the people of 
quality, who appeared riot to be able to afford to warm a 
separate room for their servants, or for the respectable 
householders, who were content with windows of cloth or, 
if of glass, of rough lattice-work, each square costing 
four pfennigs, or even for the simple cowherds and pea- 
sants. 3 But they could not live without war. As early 
in life as the boys were able, they dangled a sword over 

1 Stettler, in the J., 1507. 

2 Anshelm, in Glutz, 222 (iv. 122). Bembus, 177. Seyssel, 312. 

3 Glutz, from MSS., 456. Anshelm, in Fuchs, ii. 224. Also das 
Leben Johann Orelli's from his letters, though of somewhat later date, 

478. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 301 

their left knee, stuck an ostrich feather in their caps, 
followed the drum call, and practised musket-shooting. 1 
There was no fair held, no church festival, or even the 
appointment of a new magistrate celebrated, without re- 
views and musket-practice. Even the lame had to have 
coats of mail, and the priest in the pulpit was girded 
with a sword. 2 A wedding party was honoured when 
many uninvited guests followed, but only with halberts and 
swords, marching three and three. 3 Whenever these mar- 
tial fellows were gathered together, families and guilds 
in separate rooms — yet all called each other "thou" — 
there would appear in their midst, perhaps, one who had 
just returned home from active service, and would clink 
the guilders that he had gotten as pay or booty, and fire 
the others to the wish that they also would be one day 
thought of in their homes as attired in fine helmets and 
with halberts. Amman Reding rightly remarks : " Their 
youth must spend itself somewhere." 4 

In the conviction that this people would, of all allies, be 
the least dangerous for Italy, Julius, who, first of all 
popes, had begun to surround his person with a Swiss 
guard, concluded with the Swiss, through the mediation of 
Matthew Schiner, Bishop of Yalais, on the 26th February, 
1510, an alliance for five years, in return for a subvention 
of 12,000 guilders ; in return, they should furnish, in the 
pay of the Roman Church, 6,000 men against every enemy 
that would assail it. 5 With this alliance, Julius conceived 
that he would attain the consummation of his projects, 
without fail. In July, he sent 36,000 guilders to Mar- 
tinach, and demanded the promised contingent. 6 

At the end of August, 1510, his comprehensive military 
scheme was developed. The Papal army occupied Modena 
and threatened Ferrara ; and the Venetians (the G-ermans 

1 Wimphelingii Soliloquium, cap. xxviii. in Fuchs, 56. 

2 Instance in Glutz, 488. 

3 Wimphelingii Soliloquium, cap. 31, ibid. Glutz, from MSS. 492. 
Simler, Helvetia, ii. 50, in the Thesaurus Helveticus. 

4 Muller, Schweizer Geschichte, vol. v., cap. 2, nota 151. 

5 Article in Anshelm,iv. 100. Stettler, 444, and Fuchs, 151. Julius, 
Statement to the messengers. Extract in Fuchs, 216. 

6 Maximilian's letter to Ernest of Magdeburg, inBeckmann, Anhalt. 
Chronik, 135. 



302 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

having departed) rose up against Yerona. The fleet, which 
the Pope had entrusted with the ensign, the key, and the 
triple crown, had already put to sea for the purpose of 
attacking Genoa, and the Swiss, 8,000 men strong, ap- 
peared simultaneously on the Treisa, in order, advancing 
through Milanese territory, to fall upon the other side of 
Ferrara — as Chaumont had done upon Bologna — and 
thus decide the day. "The papal party was already in 
great strength at Ferrara, and Lucretia wished to fly. 
The city would be forced to surrender as Bologna did. 
And then— had not understandings with Brescia and 
Parma been arrived at, and was not the G-hibelline party 
in the whole of Milan on their side ? " l The Pope now 
left Rome and went to Bologna. The cardinals of French 
sympathies forsook him ; but he doubted not that he 
would succeed. In Loretto, he dedicated a great silver 
cross to the Virgin, with the superscription : "In this 
sign thou wilt conquer." 2 

It often happened, in Switzerland, that the negotiations 
which, before taking the field, did not promise to lead to 
any result, were immediately successful as soon as this had 
taken place, and when those who clamoured for the war 
had marched forth with the army. If we investigate, we 
find that this evil was often the real cause of much mis- 
chief, and finally occasioned the fall of the independent 
confederation. 3 On this occasion, the army had scarcely 
crossed the St. G-otthard, when the imperial and French 
parties began to bestir themselves. Maximilian's warning, 
that the Pope intended with their soldiers to attack Milan, 
and not Ferrara, and that, in the event of the army not 
returning, he would invade their territory with the collec- 
tive might of the Empire, had some effect upon them. 4 
Although the three old Waldstadts, which were always 
against Milan, were refractory, the majority resolved to 

1 Bembus, 256, 257. Ovelli, Leben, p. 75 ; Mocenieus, p. 60. 

2 Victorellus and Ciacconii vitas paparum. Vita Julii ii., Paris de 
Or. 78. 

3 Mallet du Pan, Destruction of the Swiss Confederation, vol. ii. 
cap. 8, p. 111. 

4 From the letter in Fuchs, 178, and Tschudi, Continuat., ibid. Cf. 
Anshehn, iv. 125. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 303 

guarantee safe conduct to the French embassy; and, 
although Matthew Schiner reminded them : that the in- 
tention was to send troops to the Pope, and that, " if the 
King of France opposed the Pope, he became the Pope's 
enemy, and that they then by virtue of their compact with 
the Pope would be sworn foes of the King also," the 
majority still held to their resolve, to detain, until further 
advice, the army they had raised for the Pope. 1 Such an 
order always threw into confusion the troops already in 
the field, as they never believed it to be the command of a 
single party, but the outcome of an unanimous resolu- 
tion. On this occasion, they had already left Varese and 
reached Chiasso on the lake of Como, but had become 
-extremely discouraged through want of provisions — for 
they found nothing but chestnuts, grapes, and nuts, 
-the mills having been stripped of their iron — and not 
this alone ; their road was blocked by rivers without 
bridges, and they were surrounded on all sides by French 
horse, who did not exactly attack them — for they were 
afraid of rousing their vengeance — but kept harassing and 
threatening them. 2 In this plight, the order of the assembly 
found them, and, as some of their captains had been 
bribed, their general distress, confusion, and ignorance of 
the country determined them to retreat. On the 12th 
September, the first ships conveying the returning troops 
came across the lake to Lucerne, 3 and, on the same day, the 
French ambassador appeared before the assembly. The 
deputies of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden indignantly 
quitted the meeting ; the rest drew up a letter to the Pope, 
praying that : " the father of peace might deal gently and 
not subtilely with the Christians." 4 

Instead of the promised aid, the Pope, on arriving at 
Bologna, received this letter. The Venetians had already 
besieged Verona ; but they were compelled to retreat by 
the French, who, now freed from all fear of the Swiss, 

1 Fuchs, from the resolution, 184. Testimony of M. Walters, 
231. 

2 Mocenieus, 63. Bayard, 205. Bullinger, in Fuchs, 192. 

3 Breve Julii, in Fuchs, 239. Anshelm, in Glutz, 225. 

4 Glutz, from the resolution, 545. Walter's Zeugniss, 231. Simleri 
Vallesia. 



304 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. II. 

hastened to the assistance of the city. 1 Moreover, the papal 
army had not been able to take Reggio, to say nothing of 
attacking Ferrara. The fleet despatched against Genoa 
showed itself in the harbour off Bado, and attempted to 
land, but it found itself confronted by another equally 
strong ; and nowhere a friend. It exchanged a few stone 
shot from its mortars with the enemy, and returned. 2 All 
had failed. Here, where everything depended upon the 
ascendancy of the moment, and where the reputation of 
superiority must precede victory, the failure was doubtless 
due to the retreat of the Swiss. 

And now, like the Picador in a bull-fight, when he has 
missed the deadly stroke, or like the hunter in the moun- 
tains, when the chamois that he has missed threatens to 
drag him into the abyss, did Julius perceive that instead 
of assailer and threatener he had become the assailed and 
the imperilled. 

Louis hesitated long before meeting him. " The Pope 
intended devilish things against his honour and his states, 
of which he would lose nothing ; but, unfortunately, war 
with him would rouse the whole of Christendom against 
him." 3 In the year 1510, Amboise died ; and, as he left no- 
one to inherit his position, as the King, in making his great- 
plans, was in the habit of disregarding small ones, though 
these were the stepping-stones to his greater achievements, 
the government appeared less enterprising than formerly. 
" O my patron," cried Robertet, when a portrait of Amboise 
was brought to him, " wert thou alive, we were now with 
our army in Rome." 4 . At last, after Louis, through the 
intervention of the Florentines, had vainly attempted nego- 
tiations, and when blow now followed blow, and attack 
attack, he also, at last, decided for the war. On the 16th 
of September, the clergy of the kingdom assembled at 
Tours, more for counsel than for action, and chiefly, in order 
to obtain the opinion of the nation, and there decided thus :: 

1 Lettres de Louis, ii. 22. Maximilian, in Hormayr's Archid., 1812,. 
p. 588. 

2 Mocenicus, Senarega, 604. Folieta, Historia Genusus, 262. 

3 Lettres, i. 270. Machiavelli, Legazione a. c. di Francia, lett. 6 X 
v. 349. 

4 Macchiavelli, c. 383, 380. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 305 

" A prince might in any case return an attack made npon 
hini by the Pope, provided it were only to weaken the Pope, 
and were not to his total destruction." 1 And this is exactly 
what the King proposed to do. In the same month, the 
imperial ambassador, Matthew Lang, bishop of Gurk, 
came down the Loire. The heir to the throne invited him 
to a banquet. The Queen sent him wine of Beaul and 
victuals from her table. The King promised a small con- 
tingent for a winter campaign, but, for the summer, a force 
of 1,200 lances, 10,000 men, and his own person to boot. 2 
He boasted that : "he would in Italy create a new heaven 
and a new earth ; the Pope should be deposed and the 
Emperor be as great as Charles the Great was." His looks 
showed how seriously he intended it. Day and night he pon- 
dered how to revenge himself. 3 In November, he sent his 
Milanese army into the field under Chaumont. The papal 
forces lay between Modena and Bologna, in order to pro- 
tect both places. Chaumont marched up the Eeno as 
if to threaten Modena. The papal troops at once retired 
thither, but thus cut themselves off from Bologna, and 
upon this city Chaumont threw himself without delay. 4 
Julius himself was in the city. 

Julius was cut off from his army, still without the assis- 
tance Ferdinand had promised him on account of the Nea- 
politan fiefs, without the stipulated help from Venice, and, 
withal, ill of a fever. In Bologna itself, his person was in 
peril. As the Bentivogli had sided with his enemy, the 
city was full of the mutterings of their friends and parti- 
sans, the Binucceneti, the Fantuzzi, and the Caprara. 
Nothing but captivity seemed in store for him. In this 
sore distress, he evolved aid out of his inner self. He first 
of all promised the leading Bolognese, whom he had 
summoned to his bedside, that he would give them a 
Cardinal from among them. This was repeated to the 
people assembled on the market-place ; many other favours 

1 Burgo a Marguerite, Lettres de Louis, ii. 33. Article in Gilles, 
Chroniques, p. 122. 

2 Burgo a Marguerite and Besponsa Ludovici, Lettres de Louis, ii. 
53, 78. 

3 Macchiavelli, Legaz., 365, 370. 

4 Mocenicus, 63. Maximilian, in Hormayr, 393. 

X 



306 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

were also promised, and thus it came to pass that they 
were quite won over to the Pope. And what influence 
has not the holy and august presence of a living pope 
always exercised upon the people ! They all came to- 
gether before his palace, 5,000 on horseback and 15,000 
on foot, led by two Cardinals. He rose from his bed, 
showed himself upon the balcony, and spread out his 
hands to bless them ; then, as though he would show them 
that, in his sore need, he committed himself into their 
hands, drew back his arms and laid them crossways on 
his breast. 1 This sign, which showed the people that their 
prince and the father of Christianity entrusted his person 
to their keeping and allegiance, moved their hearts more 
than any promises could do. They shouted for very joy. 
The Pope retired and said : " now we have triumphed." 
And in very truth so it was. The parties in the city at 
length silenced, the Spanish and Venetian horse riding 
into the city, and the English and Spanish envoys in- 
tervening with threats on the Pope's behalf, caused the 
Prench to beat a retreat. With joy he heard at an ever 
increasing distance their din and firing. Whilst still 
lying in bed, Julius raised his arm and cried : " Away, ye 
Prench, away from Italy." Gladness of heart made him 
well in a short time. He collected his army, and, in the 
month of December, despatched three generals against 
Mirandula and Perrara. 

These three were not, as it would seem, very excellent 
servants. The first, the Marquis of Mantua, 2 halted at a 
crosswav, and said: " There is Mirandula and the enemy's 
country ; here is Mantua and friendly country. G-o ye 
thither, whilst I remain here : Do ye need me, fire your arms 
until I hear." This man had been liberated from the 
tower of St. Mark, principally owing to Julius' intervention. 3 
The two others, the Cardinal of Pavia and the young Duke 
of Urbino, Julius' near relatives, were every day at feud 
together, and the Cardinal, at all events, was a man of such 
a notorious character that one day, on seeing a poor wretch 

1 Paris de Grassis, Diarium, in Eainald, 79. Sansovino, Origine, 
299. Jovii Alfonsus, 166. 

2 Breve, in Dumont, iv. 1, 131. Also Macchiavelli, Legazione, 352. 

3 Mocenicus, 67. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 307 

who had been hanged, some one exclaimed : " well for thee, 
that thou hast not to do with a Cardinal of Pavia." x 

Alfonso of Ferrara, whom they attacked, was a totally 
different man. He converted all his silver-plate into money, 
and pledged his wife's jewels with usurers. The earthen- 
ware plates and dishes still used at Court were celebrated 
as having been manufactured by the Prince's own hands. 
He always paid everybody at the appointed day. To this 
circumstance, he said, was due the obedience paid to him. 
The three hundred pieces of cannon, many of them cast from 
the metal which the citizens had delivered over to him, 
according to streets and guilds, ensured him the respect 
of friends and foes. The fortifications flanking his city 
were a model for many in the future. 2 The French whom 
Louis had sent to his assistance, were under ban, as he 
was, but kept in allegiance and obedience by nature and 
the laws of chivalry. 

In this situation, the operations of the Pope did not 
seem likely to be crowned with success. Mirandula would 
scarcely have been wrested from its lady defender, the 
widow of Galeotto Pico, were it not that Julius, though 
a pope, and very old, had in the coldest winter season 
proceeded in person to besiege it. 3 It did not affect him 
at all, that, on one occasion, he only escaped from Bayard 
in a snow-storm, that he had once to spring out of his 
palanquin, in order that a drawbridge should be pulled up 
behind him, or that a cannon-ball fell into his tent before 
the city. The ball, as large as a child's head, he sent to 
Loretto, to be treasured as a keepsake and thank-offering. 
At last he succeeded in reducing the city, and marched 
into it over the frozen ditch, and through the breach in its 
walls, and restored the rightful lord. 4 But he alone of all 
his party showed this determined courage. Bastia del 
G-enivolo taken, Ferrara was, in Alfonso's own opinion, 
lost to him. But his generals neglected to occupy a pass 

1 Paris, Bembus, Leoni, Castiglione, Cortegiano, 205. 

2 Jovii Alfonsus, 170, f. 197. Fleuranges, 78. 

3 Paris de Gr., 100, Bayard, 216, to compare with Benedictus Jovius, 
Hist. Novocom., p. 62. 

4 Fleuranges, 66, 72. Mariana, 301. Triulce au Boy, in Bosmini, 
Trivulzio, ii. 300. Alcyonius de Exil., ed Menken, p. 62. 



308 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II, 

that might have been defended by twenty men ; through 
this Alfonso came, and saved his castle. Julius caused it 
to be proclaimed: "if he would dismiss the French he 
should not be again attacked ; " but the man who brought 
this news was not reliable. Alfonso replied, " Julius will 
soon be in his grave ; but a princely race rewards good 
services for ever." The man — his name was Augustin Gerlo 
— answered : " within six days he offered himself to kill the 
Pope, who received all his food from his hand." The Duke 
told it to Bayard as a fact. Bayard replied: " Sire, did I 
but know it for certain, I would communicate it to the Pope 
before nightfall." Alfonso shrugged his shoulders, and spat 
out: "For Bayard's sake he would not do it;" thus the 
enemies of the Pope and those whom he had placed under 
ban did him better service than his confidants. 1 When 
Julius, after the trifling war in the winter, in which the 
French and Papals only strove to keep open their connec- 
tions, the former with Ferrara and the latter with the 
Venetians, as well as to cut off their enemies' correspon- 
dence, at length found himself, in April, again in the field 
with 9,000 foot, and 1,500 horse, 2 he no longer found 
Chaumont at the head of the enemy, but a man whom the 
disorganized state of the French army required. This man 
was none other than John Jacob Trivulzio, a captain, who 
often hanged or drowned his refractory soldiers ; a man, 
who deducted from the pay of his Spaniards what they had 
stolen from a peasant ; a man cursed by his soldiers — "this 
old man with the bald head had no strength nor life nor 
vigour in him, and was yet so stern ; " but, all the same, he 
showed them how to retake fortresses. 3 

Thus did two septuagenarians, both grown grey in the 
turmoils of Italy, both brave and stern, oppose each other, 
and each desired battle. How could Julius be anxious to 
fight, he who was plainly so much weaker than his 
opponent ? But he said : " Christ helps his warriors, and 
will find means to destroy the house of Este and the schis- 

1 Bayard, 223-231, 234-240. 

2 Leonardo da Porto, in the Lettere di Principe, 4. Paris de Grassis,. 
101. 

3 Eebucco, Andrea da Prato and Arluni, Historia Mediolanensis,. 
in Rosmini, Trivulzio, i. 584. Arluni, Historia Veneta, iv. 55. 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 309 

matical king." Trivulzio desired to make the way smooth 
for the King, for Louis was already on his way to Grenoble, 
in order to cross the hills, and fight ont his cause himself. 
The issue was at hand, and the sword drawn. 

At this moment, Matthew Lang appeared between the 
parties, and again an attempt was made to ratify a peace. 
A Venetian and a Ferrarian peace were to be concluded at 
the same time. All the ambassadors hurriedly met. The 
Scotch envoy, Murray, was specially energetic in his 
endeavours to bring about an understanding. The cardi- 
nals often deliberated. 1 But how was any arrangement 
with Venice possible, when Lang demanded Padua, Trevigi, 
and 700,000 ducats besides from Venice ? He rejected all 
remonstrances and all promises whatsoever. His boast was 
that he always went straight like a candle. 2 Louis would 
not even agree to a formal truce. " Such a truce would 
break the heart of his people. He was now at an advantage, 
and might expect victory. First victory, then peace. He 
would enlist Gi-risons, would then take the field, and not 
return until he had both victory and peace, otherwise he 
would remain away altogether." He was all fire and 
flame, when Fregosian, who was taken in Ventimiglia, 
confessed that he had been sent by the Pope to stir up a 
revolution. Lang left the Pope. 3 Trivulzio crossed the 
Panaro, and drove back the Papal army, that needed 
not on this occasion defend Modena — for Julius had 
shrewdly delivered it into the hand of an imperial pleni- 
potentiary — under the walls of Bologna. Here, on the 
22nd of May, 1511, George Frundsberg joined him with 
2,500 Germans. 4 

The cause of the Pope, who had gone to Ravenna, lay in 
the hands of the Cardinal of Pavia, who commanded in 
Bologna, and of the Duke of Urbino, who had charge of 
the army lying before that city. 

Now the Cardinal, among his twenty constables to whom 

1 Coccinius, de bellis Italicis, ap. Freberum, Rerum Germanicorum, 
ii. 268. Marguerite a Henry, in the Lettres de Louis, ii. 96. 

2 Articles proposes, and Lang's letter in the Lettres, ii. 96, 139. 

3 Andrea del Burgo's letters, ibid., 150, 170, 183, 190. Paris de Gr., 
103. 

4 Andrea to Margreth. Reisner's Thaten der Frundsperge, f. 11. 



310 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

he had entrusted the keeping of the city, had also com- 
mitted one of the gates into the hands of the partisans of 
the Bentivogli, and, as often as he was warned of it, only 
replied : " It is all well, all is in good keeping." But in 
the night of that 21st of May, it came to pass, that the 
Bentivogli on the outside passed by the gates, whilst the 
Fantuzzi and Ariosti on the inside mounted the tower 
Degli Asinelli, and waved to them with a torch, and that, 
thereupon, those on the outside and those within both 
hurried to the gate San Felice, the one to open it and the 
others to rush in through it. Some of the faithful were 
already assembling to fall upon the Ariosti from behind, 
when the gate burst open, and with the shout of " Sega 
Popolo," the Bentivogli rushed into the city. The cry 
was taken up and resounded on all sides ; the Cardinal 
instantly fled with 100 horse. The city was in the power 
of the Bentivogli. l 

The noise and tumult, the shouts and the waving of 
torches was also observed by the Duke, who was lying be- 
fore the gates. " What are they shouting ? " he asked of an 
attendant, and they believed at first that it was " Chiesa " 
that they heard. But in a short time they could dis- 
tinguish quite clearly the cry " Sega," and immediately 
afterwards heard from the sentinels all that had taken 
place. 2 The Duke perceived that he could not possibly 
hold his ground. Forthwith then, in the depth of night, 
abandoning his tents and baggage, but without further 
loss — he himself was with the rearguard — he withdrew 
with his army. 3 Only . the Venetians who were with him 
were overtaken by the daylight and by the enemy in 
effecting their retreat. The French attacked them in the 
rear, and the peasants from the hills assailed their flank, 
whilst the Bentivogli threw themselves across their line of 
march. The last-named were cut through by some knights, 
to whom the urgency of their need gave courage. The 
peasants plundered the baggage ; the French made prisoners 

1 Trivulzio's report in the Lettres, ii. 233. Nardi, 132. Especially 
Paris de Grassis. 

2 Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria, duca d'Urbino, lib. i. p. 26. 

3 Leoni, Consideraz. Sopra P histor. di Guicciardini, from the mouth 
of Ricardo Alidosi, iii. p. 41, 



CH. III.] THE POPE'S ENTERPRISES. 311 

— one soldier, with a wooden leg, making three — and great 
booty. The same morning, the Bentivogli took the Pope's 
statue, a work of Michel Angelo, from its niche, and after 
dragging it through the city, broke off its head, and re- 
solved to melt down the rest to make a cannon. 1 

Julius was still at Ravenna. Contradictory news reached 
him every hour. Sometimes hoping, and sometimes lament- 
ing that, " he was betrayed by those whom he loved 
best," the tidings of the disaster at last reached him. The 
cup was not yet full. After a short time, the Cardinal 
of Pavia made his appearance with his horse. He threw 
all the blame upon the Duke, and effected that the com- 
mand should be at once taken from him and entrusted to 
Alta villa of Capua. The Duke himself soon made his ap- 
pearance, and only found his excuses but coldly received. 
In bitter rage at being both defeated and calumniated, and 
slandered to his uncle and before the whole of Italy, the 
young Italian, bent on vengeance, walked through the 
streets until his deadly enemy, seated on a mule, met him, 
and smiled a friendly greeting. In his wrath he threw 
himself upon him. Grasping the saddle with his left hand, 
and with the words, " Art thou guilty or I ? " before he could 
even answer, with his right he plunged his spear into his 
side. The Cardinal's dying words were, " Punishment 
follows sin." The Duke rode away to TJrbino. 2 

Now the Pope neither saw Ferrara conquered nor Italy 
liberated; what he did see was Bologna lost, his statue 
broken in pieces by a people whom he had loaded with 
favours, and a hostile army in his territory. Yet the 
heaviest stroke of all was the murder of his trusted friend 
by his nephew, whom he had brought up, and the conse- 
quent loss of them both. On the 28th May, he was brought 
in a palanquin from Ravenna to Rimini. He smote his 
breast, and wept bitterly, and that no one might see him, 
he was brought to Rimini by night. 3 

After this disaster, the Venetians could no longer 
resist. On the 1st of August, Maximilian declared to 

1 Leonardo da Porto, in the Lettere di Princ, 5. Coccinius, 271. 

2 Bembos, 274. Guicciardini, ix. 533. Ferry Carondell a Margue- 
rite, Lettres, ii. 243. Leoni, Vita di Francesco Maria, 132. 

3 Paris de Gr., ap. Eainaldum, 89, 104. 



312 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

them that he would set free the good old fathers and the 
people from the thraldom of the new and tyrannical nobi- 
lity now reigning ; he would give the city the freedom 
of' the cities in his empire. 1 On the 2nd of August, his 
troops marched out from Verona. The Venetians were 
driven out of all Lombardy and Frioli back upon a few 
strongholds ; but even these, Laniago and Soave, Kof el and 
Beitelstein, with many others, were taken, some under 
the personal superintendence of the Emperor. Then for 
the first time he marched upon Trevigi and Padua. 
Trevigi was besieged under favourable conditions as early 
as August. 2 Whilst the G-ermans scoured the country as 
far as Lido Maggiore and the lagoons, the Venetians, 
on their side, having no general worthy the name, were 
obliged again to avail themselves of the services of Lucio 
Malvezzi, with whom they were dissatisfied, and whom 
they had dismissed. They could not pay their troops, and 
these would have deserted in one body to the Emperor, 
could they have expected pay from him. But the greatest 
fatality was, that their good will did not continue. We 
see with astonishment, how the ruling body were ever and 
again obliged to order their Nobili to pay the imposts 
that were due. They adjured them by all that was holy, 
by their country and their children; but they did not 
merely threaten "to eject the delinquents from the Pregadi, 
and to confiscate their estates, but they began by doing 
so. Yet all their adjurations, threats, and penalties were of 
none effect. 3 It sufiices to say that Venice was in no less 
peril than Julius was. 

How could they ever have conceived the idea of libe- 
rating Italy from its enemies? No pulse at that time 
beat for the idea of the unity and freedom of Italy. Only 
those States, which had become formed in the course of ,the 
few preceding centuries, and the Papacy boasted of life. 
Their union only lay in a common understanding, which 
might have repelled the attacks of foreign nations. But 
whilst each asserted and endeavoured to advance its own 

1 A letter of Maximilian, from the Italian in Hormayr's " Archiv. fiir 
Geographie," &c. 

2 Palice au Roy ; Burgo a Marguerite, in the Lettres, iii. 15, 21, 10. 

3 Principally Bembus, 275-288. Mocenicus, 79. 



.CH. III.] MORAL REFLECTION. 313 

cause, they became involved in feud with each other, ap- 
pealed to foreign aid, and yet there was not one among 
all strong enough to place itself at their head and remove 
the invaders, who had still on their side justifiable claims 
and a strong body of adherents. Nothing remained for 
the determined Pope but to summon to his assistance, 
against the French and the King of France, the Spanish 
and the Swiss. But the result of this was doomed to be 
something other than the liberation of Italy. 



Moral reflection. 

It cannot be said that it was impossible, but it must be 
confessed that it was exceedingly difficult, for Italy to 
emancipate herself again from foreign nations. Far be it 
from me to pass judgment upon the temperament of a great 
nation, whence in those days learning and industrial im- 
pulses spread throughout Europe. No one can say that it 
was incurably sick ; but certain it is that it suffered from 
serious diseases. Pederasty, extending even to the young 
soldiers in the army, 1 and which was regarded as venial 
because practised by the Greeks and Romans, whom all 
delighted to imitate, sapped all vital energy. Native and 
classical writers ascribe the misfortune of the nation to 
this evil practice. 2 A terrible rival of pederasty was the 
French syphilitic malady, which spread through all classes 
like the plague. How often did it not happen that generals 
were by it rendered incapable of service ! The sons of 
Her cole of Este were once all suffering from it at once. 
Whole villages in the Yenetian territory were affected by 
it and exterminated ; we read of ships, if not of a whole 
fleet, that required to be remanned in Corfu, because the 
whole crew had been rendered unserviceable by this dis- 
ease. 3 Precautions, such as we should perhaps take here 
in Germany against the spread of the disease, appear to be 
nothing but child's play. 

It is, however, difficult not to identify this depravation, 

1 Ferromis, after the description of the battle of Pavia, 1525. 

2 Chronicon Venetum, in Muratori, xxiv. p. 12. 

3 Diarinm Ferrarense. Chronicon Venetum, 73. 



314 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

everywhere and always existent, although ever afresh de- 
nounced by preachers of morality, with the peculiar cha- 
racter of an epoch or a nation. We shall not, however, 
without fear of contradiction, be able to maintain that aspi- 
rations to fine language rather than to noble deeds, this 
imitation of antiquity in what it has achieved in the 
shade, rather than in what it has performed in the sun, 
as Macchiavelli says, 1 is mere luxury, and not healthy for 
a nation as such ; for instance, the training of boys not 
merely in drawing and in composing prose and verse, but 
also in " fine hypocrisy," as their teachers expressed it, 2 
which consisted in making dissembled speeches in public 
upon a worthless subject and with a worthless effect ; 
sometimes raising and sometimes lowering the voice, and 
now in complaining and now in joyous tones, which they 
even affected in later years when grown up — in fact, this 
whole formal training, to which women, whom we find im- 
provising Latin verses to the lyre, also aspired. 3 But no one 
can doubt that it is a weakness, when those who affect to 
be masters of life, recommend in the place of manliness, 
chastity, and strict self-determination, nought but acute- 
ness and the semblance of such virtues. 4 Besides this, there 
were youths, who preferred to sit upon a mule than a 
horse, men who curled their hair, plucked out their eye- 
brows, and spoke as delicately to their superiors as though 
at their last breath ; men who were afraid to move their 
heads lest they should disarrange their hair, men who carried 
a looking-glass in their hats and a comb in their sleeve. 
Many considered it the highest praise to be able to sing 
well in ladies' society, accompanying themselves on the 
violin. 5 

The motive for imitation is always to be found in 
weakness ; foreign manners and customs forced their adop- 
tion upon the nation. And the misfortune was, that two 
nations strove for the mastery, and that whoever loathed 
French customs fell a victim to Spanish. He who did 

1 Macchiavelli, arte della guerra, i. beginning. 

2 Arluni, bellum Venetum, iv. 58. 

3 Gilles, Chroniques, 117. Sansovino, Venetia, 190. 

4 Macchiavelli, Principe and Discorsi. Castiglione, Cortegiano. 

5 Cortegiano, p. 43, p. Ill, p. 125. 



CH. III.] MORAL REFLECTION. 315 

not speak French, learnt Spanish: he who disliked the 
loose dress of the French, chose the tighter-fitting garb of 
the Spanish and Germans. There were many who, in order 
to imitate the French, did nothing bnt shake their heads, 
or made bows and plied their feet so vigorously in the 
street, that their servants could not overtake them. 1 There 
were others, who took for their pattern the short and witty 
replies of the Spaniards, and their discreet and unpreten- 
tious appearance in every company and in every court, 
where they became each day more indispensable ; these ex- 
cellent chess players, who never appeared to take any 
trouble in the matter. 2 In any case they were captivated 
by one or the other custom. 

The literature is also to a certain extent influenced by 
these conditions. Shortly previous to and during this 
period, there arose four important heroic poems, two at 
Florence, namely, Ciriffo and Morgante, and two at Fer- 
rara, Orlandos, Bojardo's and Ariosto's. Ciriffo deals with 
St. Louis' crusade, the others treat of Charlemagne's knights. 
They mainly extol French heroes ; they take for their subject 
rather the wars of the Spaniards against the Saracens 
than their own wars : if the matter of these poems had an 
effect upon the nation, it could only be against the national 
spirit. 

1 Cortegiauo, 146, 147, 163. 2 Cortegiano, 138, 169. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE RISE OP THE AUSTRO-SPANISH HOUSE TO ALMOST 
THE HIGHEST POWER IN EUROPE. 

1. Julius II. in League with Spain. 

JULIUS was assailed not only in his temporal power, but 
also in his spiritual dignity. Those five cardinals, who 
had forsaken him and joined Louis, three French, a Borgia, 
for the sake of Lucretia Borgia of Ferrara, and a Caravajal, 
on the 19th of May, 1511, called a General Council of the 
Church — arguing, that contrary to his duty and his time the 
Pope was neglecting it — and invited the Pope himself to take 
part in it. 1 In the same manner as Charles YIII. opposed 
the Pope Alexander, in league with Savonarola, so now did 
Louis make use of these cardinals against Julius. The so- 
called ecclesiastical weapons were employed more by the 
Princes against the Pope, than by the Pope against the 
Princes. Julius knew how to meet the cardinals. " They 
ought to remember with what voice, what eye, and what 
countenance he had sworn to hold a council ; they would say 
that he had done so in genuine simplicity of heart. Only 
the misfortunes and the restlessness of Italy had stood in 
his way. But now, whilst annulling their convocation, he 
himself called a Concilium, but not to Pisa (which a siege of 
fourteen years had rendered unsuitable for the purpose), 
and fixed it not for the following September, a much too short 
notice, but for April, 1512, and its meeting-place should be 
Eonie." 2 The real danger did not lie in the Concilium, but 

1 Convocatio Concilii apud Pisam, in Goldast, Politica Imperial. 
1194. 

2 Breve apud Bainaldum, Ann. Eccl., xx. 90-92. Paris de Gr., 
ibid., 115. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 317 

in the superior powers of Louis, who intended to employ 
its resolutions to the destruction of the Pope. Like Alex- 
ander, who, on one occasion, when in dread of Charles, and 
in feud with Louis, concluded an alliance with Ferdi- 
nand, and, on another occasion, at all events intended it, 
so now did Julius, though hesitatingly and unwillingly, 
but under the compulsion of necessity, form an alliance 
with Spain. 

Ferdinand was on the road to Malaga and the African 
war, when he received the Pope's missives complaining of 
Louis. He halted on his march. The Council of Castile 
considered that as there was already a domestic war, it was 
not necessary to seek an external one. Ximenes promised 
to contribute 400,000 ducats, and even to come in person. 1 
Ferdinand, who/ in the year 1510, owing to the Pope's 
investiture, which released him from all obligations to 
Louis, had become complete master of Naples, 2 knew well, 
that in league with the Church and by its sanction all could 
be attained ; in feud with her, nothing. With these new 
great schemes in his head, he relinquished all idea of con- 
quering Alexandria, and, in return for 40,000 ducats, their 
monthly pay, he offered the Pope 1,000 lances and 10,000 
infantry. 3 

In August, 1511, the Pope secretly accepted his pro- 
posals at Ostia. On the 1st of October, they proclaimed 
their alliance. Its object was stated to be : "To conquer 
Bologna with its territory, and all the immediate posses- 
sions of the Roman Chair, and then to restore the unity of 
the Church." A further important stipulation was the 
following : " If any conquests should be made outside of 
Italy, the conqueror should be confirmed in their posses- 
sion by the Pope." 4 Hereupon, after a grand procession 
through the city, the league was proclaimed from the 
" stone of decrees " in the grand square at Venice, which 
guaranteed half the pay. Ferdinand' came from stag- 
hunting from the woods between Aranda and Lerma and 
swore it ; declaring that, he moreover offered himself and 

1 Gomez, Vita Ximenis, ap. Schottum, 1057, 1058. 

2 Zurita, ii. 220. Passero, Giornale, 173. 

3 Zurita. 

4 Liga pro recussa Papae, in Rymer, Foedera, vi. 1, 23. 



318 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

his goods, and all the goods and estates of his daughter to 
the service of the Church. 1 

A fourth associate, with Pope, King, and Eepublic 
were the Swiss. The league was not proclaimed among 
them. Neither their pay nor their old treaty influenced 
them at all ; but, of all the parties to the league, they were 
the soonest ready and the soonest equipped. 

Through all the Swiss cantons there surged in this year 
a lively factious spirit. Especially was this the case in 
Valais and Freiburg. There Jiirg uff der Flue and Mat- 
thew Schiner of Miihlibach strove against each other. 
Jiirg, a strong hardy man, almost a hundred years of age, 
proud of his twelve sons and eleven daughters, all of whom 
his house-wife had borne him, living at G-lis, on the Sim- 
plon, whither the people often went on a pilgrimage, and 
distinguished by reason of his family, who mainly were 
instrumental in conquering the Lower Valais. 2 Matthew 
Schiner worked his way up in the school at Como to 
be his teacher's deputy, as priest, gained the affections 
of the common people in an ascetic life — he slept on the 
bare boards — and, after studying zealously the law books, 
won over also the educated world, until a Bishop of 
Yalais on his journey saw him, and promoted him to a 
higher dignity. Both were once friends : they had both 
together compassed the overthrow of the bishop, who 
had been Schiner' s benefactor, and Matthaus, through 
Jiirg' s assistance, had himself now become a bishop. 3 As 
long as Louis and Julius remained friends, they both served 
together ; but as soon as war had broken out between these 
potentates, they also quarrelled. It is said that the bishop 
offered his services to the King for too great a price, and 
had on that account been rejected ; but it suffices to say, 
that Jiirg became the King's adherent, whilst Matthaus 
favoured the Pope. Since that time, they persecuted each 
other even to exile and imprisonment. They were obliged, 
alternately, to avoid Yalais. In Freiburg, the bailiff, Francis 
Arsent, and Peter Falk, the Pope's partisan, strove to the 

^Bembus. 290. Petrus Martyr, Epp., 467, 468. 

2 Simleri Vallesia, ii. p. 13, 33, in Thesaur. Helveticus. 

3 Elogium Matthaei Schineri, in the Elogiis Jovi, 249-251. Simler, 
ibid. Stettler, 444. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 319 

"bitter death. Falk triumphed ; thereupon the old friend- 
ship between Freiburg and Berne was at an end ; for, in 
the latter place, the Diesbach and the French party were in 
the ascendant. 1 

During these struggles, the assemblies presented a curious 
spectacle. The agreement with the Emperor, when an 
ally of Louis touching the inheritance, had been assented 
to by most, yet not by the Waldstadts. 2 Many cantons had 
already once taken home the draft of a new French alliance, 
and were disposed to accept it ; but the three Waldstadts 
declared that, in the event of its being adopted, they 
would from that very moment, single-handed, march with 
their three standards against the King's land. Nothing 
was settled. Schiner also visited the assemblies in the 
various cantons, and, wherever he was, was a constant 
going and coming, writing, enlisting, and negotiating. 
Not a moment's repose. He showed himself so well in- 
formed, that it was believed that a privy demon told him 
everything ; 3 but, in spite of all his exertions, he was not 
successful. A mere chance incident at length brought 
matters to a close. 

A courier was despatched from Schwyz through the 
Milanese territory, in order to fetch the Pope's subsidy, 
but in Lugano was captured and taken — because he was 
carrying letters from Schiner to the Pope — and drowned 
in the lake. The person of a courier, in his distinctive 
dress, was considered to be as inviolable as that of a 
herald. But his dress, a coat with the arms of Schwyz, 
was made jest of, and his symbol — the wooden box — 
was even sold by auction. The bailiff may have done 
this, in order to insult the G-hibellines in Lugano, who 
were of Swiss sympathies, rather than the Schwyzers 
themselves ; but, however this may be, this incident 
roused the Walstadts, who were already ill-disposed, to 
a perfect transport of frenzy. They complained that : " their 
honour had been wounded, and that they must devise a 
means of saving it ; " accordingly, in September, 1511, 
they resolved, on their own initiative, to take the field 

1 History of Arsent's imprisonment and death in Glutz., 2 53-240. 

2 Document in Dumont, iv. 1, 133. Fuchs, 251. 

3 Fuchs, 262, 264. Bullinger MS. in Fuchs, 254. 



320 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

against the King, and to call upon their confederates to 
join them. 1 

As, in the year 1500, the affront given to the G-risons 
aroused all the Swiss against the Emperor, in spite of the 
imperial party in their midst, so now, on this occasion, did 
even the French party obey this challenge, and prepare 
for war against France, yet not for pay or relying on their 
league with the Pope, but on their own initiative, and 
without pay. 

When, then, in October, Schwyz in real earnest re- 
peatedly called upon its confederate allies, by virtue of the 
eternal alliance subsisting between them, to take the field, 
the deputies of the others hurriedly presented themselves 
before the council of the land, in the hope of being able to 
appease it. But they were not successful. Schiner was 
not there ; the very moment he had been made Cardinal 
by the Pope, he had been obliged to fly from his countrymen 
to Italy, where in disguise, and after many risks, he arrived, 
and passed through the midst of his enemies to Venice. 
Here, he received 20,000 guilders from the Signorie, 2 and 
found means to despatch a goodly portion of it to his 
friends in the confederacy. Instead of calming the excited 
f eelings of the people, the deputies themselves were carried 
away. They promised to make the cause of the Schwyzers 
their cause, and to stake lives and property for their sake. 
But their masters at home who had sent them did not change 
their minds. The assembly was again reminded that the 
winter had arrived, the G-otthard was high and the passes 
narrow, and how was it possible to pay for provisions on 
the Italian side? The Emperor might meanwhile follow 
up his threat and attack. But all to no purpose. The 
assembled community declared for war : " they would find 
the King and punish him," and despatched their letters 
of summons to the other cantons. They then provided 
themselves with provisions and arms ; one after another 
they all took the field. 3 

Thus began a new war, the central figure in which 

1 Fuchs from Schodeler, Silbereisen ; Abschied, 255. 

2 Ciacconius, Vitse Paparum et Cardinalium, 1383. Anshelm, in 
Glutz., 247. Bembus. 

3 Fuchs, 268 and 270. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 321 

was Julius. The dispatch of money through Schiner 
appears to have been his work ; and it was also his plan 
that the Spaniards at the same time, 2nd of November, 
set out for Naples. As the French had retired from Tre- 
viso from fear of the Swiss, and the G-ermans were single- 
handed too weak to undertake the siege, the ruin of the 
Venetians was stayed ; they were even enabled to show 
themselves again in the country. l It would perhaps have 
been better had the confederates awaited their advance and 
their arrival on the Po. But they could not be restrained. 

On the 14th of November, 1,500 Schwyzers began the 
ascent of the St. Gi-otthard with the standard, under which 
they had vanquished Charles of Burgundy, and which they 
had never since unfolded. They were immediately followed 
by Peter Falk with 500 Freiburgers and some artillery. It 
was the first artillery that the St. G-otthard had yet seen. 
Lucerne gunners brought it over the lake, and TJri oxen 
along the pass from Fliielen ; thence, with the assistance of 
the Ammaun of Urseren, they carried their ordnance with 
their arms across the heights ! How the French on the Long 
Lake were terrified when they heard the first salvos ! 2 

Schwyzers and Freiburgers were the most zealous in the 
Papal cause, and now, without a moment's pause, they 
marched into the enemy's country. Four Freiburgers 
swam across the Treisa, in the face of a number of French 
arquebusiers, and threw a bridge across the river. It was 
not until Yarese, where the plain begins, that they awaited 
the TJri, Unterwalden and Schaffhausen troops, and the 
rest only in G-allerat, where the French hommes d' amies 
were in force, and in advantage. They then pursued the 
enemy with their whole force as far as the hazel-trees of 
Milan, as the chroniclers express it. 3 Now was the time for 
the Spaniards and Venetians to make their onslaught. But 
the former were too far off, and the latter occupied in re- 
taking their castles from the Imperials. 4 The Swiss with- 

1 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 95. Coccinius, 273. Burgo, Lettres, 
iii. 82. 

2 Bembus, 294. Letter of Peter Falk in Fuchs, 272. 

3 Letters of the Constable and Councillors of Freiburg in Glutz. 
Appendix 18, p. 535. Schwytzer, Schodeler. Bullinger in Fuchs, 
285 sq. Bayard, 252. 

4 Coccinius, 276. .Reisner, Frundsperge, 113. Bembus, 205. 

T 



322 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [bK. II. 

out horse and cannon in the face of a strongly fortified 
city, their first onslaught repulsed with severe loss, dis- 
heartened at the wet rather than the cold of the winter, 
which rained upon them for four whole days and nights, 
without provisions or money, and in a state of perplexity 
respecting Berne, were seized with, what the Italians called, 
the German mania, and which their chroniclers can only 
compare with a sudden rush of water from the hills — a 
cataract. It forces a channel for itself, and breaks its 
force against a rock, it then turns, perchance, and bursts 
away in an opposite direction, until by nature and circum- 
stances it is restored to its right course. They now con- 
ceived the idea of turning homewards, and to return later 
with a still greater force. In their frenzy, they made their 
way home by fire and devastation ; those from the country 
leading the way In the morning, they fired their bivouac ; 
before them, behind them, and for miles on either side the 
villages were in flames. Thus they made their way from 
the hazel-bushes of Milan back to the mill of Bellenz : 
thence they rushed home across the mountains, still full 
of frenzy, saying that, it was owing to them that the 
French had come to Italy, and through them they should 
retire again. 1 They returned to their cottages and awaited 
the coming of the spring. 

Then, and not till then, did the Spaniards and Venetians 
come. 2 They made their attacks simultaneously in diffe- 
rent places. On the 25th January, 1512, the Venetians, 
summoned by Luigi Avogaro, made their appearance before 
Brescia, and, in the dusk of the evening of the 26th, the 
Spanish arquebusiers, with the Grozadines and Pepuli, the 
old enemies of the Bentivogli, made their appearance before 
Bologna. 3 But, on this occasion, neither one side nor the 
other were successful. They repeatedly renewed their 
attacks. On the 1st of February, Pedro Navarra sprung 
the mines, which he had bored under the houses of 
Bologna, and his Spaniards stormed. They were met by 

1 Benedictus Jovius, Historia Novocom., 63. Bayard, Stettler. 
Schodeler and Anshelm in Glutz., 256, 257. Petrus Martyr, Epist., 
474. Appendix to Monstrelet, 241. 

2 Paulus de Laude in the Lettres de Louis, Hi. 109. Jovius, Vita 
Alfonsi, 172. 3 Coccinius, 280. Zurita, ii. 264. Bembus. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 323 

the counter-mines of G-abriel von Sulz, and the overpower- 
ing fumes of kindled brushwood, so that Bologna was still 
safe. The Venetians, who bombarded Brescia with their 
whole force, were more successful on the 2nd. Some with 
ropes, and others by tunnelling, succeeded in effecting an 
entrance ; the people then rose and Brescia fell. Crema, 
Cremona, and Bergamo declared for their old masters. 
France, on receiving the first intelligence of these doings, 
considered Milan lost. 1 Yet the army was not minded to 
give it up. 

Gaston de Foix, the King's nephew, led the army. A 
stripling, in those years in which the youthful appearance 
gradually merges into manhood. He wore yet the first 
down on his face ; his eye fired whenever he laid hand on 
his sword. He drew it, as he said, in love of his lady, 
whose colours, green and white, he wore round his arm. 2 
In Reggio, he learnt the loss of Brescia, and heard of the 
peril of Bologna, and did not long hesitate, but sought the 
strongest enemy, and, on the 4th of February, advanced to 
the Felice gate. 3 The Spaniards, as soon as they heard 
of his arrival, fell back upon the Idice. After having 
strengthened the garrison, so as to be certain of success, he 
turned at once about, opened by surprise the passes of 
Mantua, drove the Venetians, who opposed him, into the 
hands of the Germans, who were advancing from Verona 
to meet him, and by the 17th of February was in the castle 
of Brescia — it is called the falcon of Lombardy, and is cer- 
tainly high enough and menacing enough to deserve this 
name 4 — resolved with his French and Germans thence to 
take the city lying beneath him. 

On the morning of the 18th, two companies of soldiers 
formed in the castle yard; in the gate the vanguard of 
volunteers, consisting of Germans under Fabian and Spet, 
Gascons, some hommes dJarmes with short lances with long 
blades ; further behind them the others, Germans, who, at 

1 Jean le Veau from Bologna, Lettres, iii. 132. Andrea del Burgo, 
p. 147. Carpesanus, 1273. Coccinius. Zurita, 266. Arluni, iv. 175. 

2 Elogium Eoxeji in Jovius, Elogia, 225. Braiitome, Capitaines, 142. 
Bayard. 

3 Jean de Veau, Lettres, iii. 153. Coccinius, 281. Zurita. 

4 Octavii Rubei Monumenta Brixiensia in Graev. Thesaur. iv. 2, 91. 



324 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

the word, " to conquer the city or die," lifted up their hands 
as a sign of their good will, and cut notches in the spears 
which long usage had worn smooth, and French. When, then, 
the citizens below, declining to listen to the repeated sum- 
mons to surrender, gathered together for resistance at the 
sound of the bell, Gaston led the attack upon them with 
the cry of, " Forward, in the name of G-od and St. Denis ! " 
All the trumpets sounded. 1 

Whilst the Venetians, after their first ineffective fire, 
were again loading their muskets, the vanguard succeeded 
in descending the narrow path in single file ; then uniting 
their force, they made an onslaught upon the Church of St. 
Florian and the Brisignels' intrenchments. Bayard, who 
had dashed amongst the Venetians, made the greatest im- 
pression. G-ritti cried : " Let us vanquish this Bayard and 
the victory is ours," and he was severely wounded; but 
the assault was not thereby stayed. The church and 
the cannon were taken. The advance guard pursued the 
Brisignels through the citadel to the very gate of the 
city : they alone had decided the day. When the rest of 
their force arrived on the spot, and the gate of the city 
was opened, and the Venetians now saw the cannon directed 
against their close lines in the streets and were compelled to 
let down the drawbridge at the Nazaro gate — for flight, as 
they thought, whilst it was really destruction, for 500 lancers 
were concealed without and now rushed in — it became more 
like a massacre than a fight. In the narrow streets, their 
light horses availed the Stradiotti nothing, nor the heavy- 
armed their stout armour. They were all alike cut down. 
Only Avogaro, in spite of his throwing himself into the 
midst of the enemy, was not slain; his horse fell with 
him, he was made prisoner and saved for a bitterer death. 
G-ritti was also taken. In all the houses the hideous scenes 
of war and pillage were enacted ; the booty was carried off 
in 3,500 waggons. 2 

Thus were the attacks of the Swiss, Spaniards and Vene- 

1 Bayard, 261. Coccinius, 282. Epistola ad Episcopum Gurcensem 
in the Paralipomenis ad Chronicon Urspergense, 467. Mythical, in 
Appendix to Monstrelet. 

2 The foregoing and strangely enough, also Carpesanus, 1276-1280. 
Louis to Margreth, Lettres, iii. 178. Arluni, iv. 179. Fleuranges, 87, 88. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 325 

tians successively repulsed, and Gaston triumphant: lie 
next resolved to go in search of the Spanish knights, whom 
he had been told it was a pleasure to behold, all in gold 
and azure, and their horses completely covered with mail 
armour. These he now thought of challenging in a chival- 
rous contest of valour. 

The Concilium especially furnished an opportunity for 
advancing against them. It had only been opened on the 
5th of November in Pisa by the Cardinals ; and on the 6th, 
Caravajal declared his readiness to remove it elsewhere. 1 
After the first sittings, it was, in January, 1512, removed to 
Milan. Neither Maximilian nor Florence, and not even 
Flanders, which was subject to Louis' crown, sent any pre- 
late. The Cardinals had been unwelcome in Pisa, and in 
Milan their presence was utterly ignored ; but after G-aston's 
victories they were more courageous. They sneered at 
the Pope, released Bologna and Ferrara from his ban, and 
sent two envoys, one to Avignon, and the other to Bologna : 
" for it was seemly that the whole temporal possessions of 
the Church should be in their hands." 2 Now Louis, who 
most particularly avoided the appearance of waging war in 
his own name with the Church, in March availed himself 
of this pretext, and, in the name of the Concilium rather 
than in his own, dispatched his nephew accompanied by 
the legate, to the land of the Church, with 1,800 lancers, 
900 light cavalry and 15,000 infantry ; a goodly array con- 
sidering the times. 3 

The Spaniards were not inclined to fight. Their King 
wrote to them : " Three things about which he was negotia- 
ting, must come about ; the English invade France ; the 
Swiss the Milanese territory once more ; and the Emperor 
conclude peace with Venice; each one of which events 
were capable of annihilating the French. It would be 
better for the Pope to conquer late than to lose quickly." 4 
Only they would not entirely abandon the country. 

From the Apennines down to the sea there course six 

1 Macchiavelli's Legazione to the Concilium, v. 407. 

2 Petrus Martyr, ep. 470, sq. Nardi, 130, sq. Guicciardini, x. 559, 
580. 

3 Andrea del Borgo, Lettres, iii. 197. Reports to Louis, 211. 

4 Zurita, ii. 279. 



326 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II 

important streams, the Silaro, the Santerno, the Senio, the 
Lamone, the Montone, and the Eonco, all reaching Eavenna 
in the plain. They all intersect the country in the same 
direction. The Spaniards resolved to make use of these 
for the purposes of resistance. They could either be de- 
fended below, and this course was advised by Fabrizio 
Colonna, General of the Cavalry, but in that case the road 
via the Apennines to Toscana, and possibly to Eome 
itself, would be open to the enemy, or above ; the latter 
plan found favour with Pedro Navarra, captain of the foot, 
an enemy of Colonna' s, whose proud title angered him, but, 
Eavenna would in this latter case be in danger. Navarra 
gained his point here, as he always did. Their first encamp- 
ment was at Castelpiero, on the first of those rivers. As 
soon as Navarra perceived that the French crossed lower 
down the stream, he set out ; at Imola he found that the 
French pursued similar tactics ; they crossed the second, 
third, and fourth rivers, and Navarra always entrenched 
himself ready to receive the enemy ; finally, the French 
swerved to the left from the Montone towards Eavenna, 
and on Good Friday, the 9th of April, 1512, they stormed 
the city. In Eavenna, the Spaniards had their magazines, 
and they could not allow the city to be lost ; on the same 
Good Friday, they advanced with their whole force between 
the Lamone and the Eonco down towards the city. The 
French storm was unsuccessful. On Easter Eve, the 
armies confronted each other. 1 

It was on Easter Sunday, at the hour when the rest of 
Christendom was waiting for the rising of the sun, before 
saluting each his fellow, when a herald of the Viceroy 
and Spanish Commander-in-Chief, Eamon de Cardona, 
had an interview with Gaston on the canal uniting the 
Montone and the Eonco, and now separated both the 
armies. " Shall we fight to-day ? " asked Cardona ; Gaston 
replied : " If ye will, we are ready." They both then broke 
asunder the white staves, which they held in their hands 
as a sign of peace, and rode back. 2 Gaston came to his 
captains ; he said : " If fortune favours us, we will praise it, 
if not, God's will be done ; " he shared with them the bread 

1 Eeport to Louis, Lettres, iii. x. 215, 216. Zurita, ii. 281. 

2 Coccinius, De bellis Italicis, apud Freherum, ii. 286. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 327 

and the bottle of wine, which he still had ; they vowed to 
live and die with him. 

Gaston sat on horseback, arrayed in the arms of Foix 
and Navarra ; his coat of mail only extended as far as the 
elbow of his left arm ; from it to the wrist he wore the 
colours of his lady. 1 The Bastard of Chimay warned him 
and said, that an old seer at Carpi had prophesied the 
death of one of the commanders ; a blood-red sunrise 
meant death for either G-aston or Card on a ; but the hero 
answered: " I will go into the battle." 

Whilst they were thus riding along the canal, they per- 
ceived Pedro de Paz and some others of the enemy on the 
other side. "Ye appear to be amusing yourselves until 
this fine game begins," said Bayard. " Is it ye ? " asked 
Pedro, " then your camp is fully 2,000 men stronger. If 
we could only amuse ourselves with you in peace ! But 
who is the noble prince, whom I see among ye ? " " It is 
the Prince of Foix." Gaston de Foix was the brother of 
Queen Germana. The Spaniards dismounted and saluted 
him. "My lord," said Pedro, " saving our master's service, 
we are at your disposal." 2 

Meanwhile, Jacob von Ems stood in the midst of the 
lansquenets, and addressed them thus : " My dear bro- 
thers, the French this day place their hopes upon you. 
You cannot, however, place your hopes in anyone except 
yourselves ; for know this well, if you do not defeat the 
enemy, you will never escape from the peasants. Be 
steadfast in the fight ! Think on victory or death ! " And 
then he led them, after each had vowed to God to 
fast the ensuing Saturday on water and bread, across the 
bridge over the canal. " I would rather lose an eye," said 
the Captain of the French infantry, Molart, "than that 
they should go before us," and dashed with his soldiery 
through the water. They advanced against the enemy's 
centre, Alfonso of Ferrara with his cannon and Palice 
with 800 lancers supporting their flank. Behind them, at 
a short interval, came Gaston and the main body. 

The Spanish camp on the right, where the cavalry were 
posted, was protected by the canal, and on the left, where the 

1 Senarega, Annates Genuenses, p. 613. 

2 L'histoire du bon chevalier Bayard, 310, 311. 



328 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

infantry was drawn up, by a ditch, and a little further 
away by a dyke. Before his infantry, Navarra had more- 
over two ditches ; some little distance in the rear of them, 
his two-wheeled carts were posted, and upon them were 
mounted iron contrivances, long and pointed, and curved 
on the sides like sickles, and close by, a goodly number of 
hooked arquebuses and cannon. 1 

It was for Gaston's army to drive the enemy from his 
strong position. 

On their left, on the dyke, Alfonso planted his artillery, 
and on their right, on the other side of the canal, Ive 
d'Allegre mounted his cannon. ISTavarra's infantry having 
thrown themselves flat on the ground, it happened that 
the balls thrown by both fell entirely among Fabrizio's 
knights. Their stout armour did not protect them ; they 
fell in thirties and forties; the foremost and hindmost 
closed up and spoke together; Fabrizio at last shouted, 
" Shall we all perish for the sake of a traitor ? " The 
Spaniards cried, " God slays us, let us fight with men." 
With the shout, " Espana and St. Jago with the horse ! " 
they advanced against the foe. On seeing this, Gaston 
said, " My Sirs, let us now see what ye will do for France 
and my lady," and closed up with Palice. All cried, 
" France, France," and the cavalry charge, their fine 
art, commenced. 2 The infantry, in obedience to Gas- 
ton's orders to halt until he gave the signal, stood the 
while still ; but Navarra's hooked arquebuses and cannon 
wrought deadly havoc ; two of the chief leaders, Molart 
and Freiberg, who were sitting together over a bottle, 
were both killed by one ball. Many distinguished cap- 
tains, subaltern officers, and common soldiers fell; at 
last they would no longer endure to be exposed to this 
fire. In surmounting the first ditch, which Navarra had 
placed before him, Jacob von Ems fell mortally wounded. 
He exclaimed, "The King has been gracious to us, be 

1 Fleuranges, Memoires, 89-93. Coccinius and Novae e castris Gal- 
lorum in the Paralipomenis ad Chronicon Urspergense, 467. Also 
Ullrich Zwingli, Relatio de iis, etc., ap. Ereherum, ii. 122. Reisner, 
Kriegsthaten, i. 114. 

2 L'histoire du bon chevalier, 312. Bayard a Laurens Alemand in 
Expilly's Supplement a l'histoire, 451. Also Daru, iii. 441. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 329 

firm," and died. On arriving at the second ditch, they 
were confronted by the Spaniards, who held their spears 
crossed to oppose them ; whereupon Fabian von Schla- 
berndorf, the biggest and boldest man one could be- 
hold, clutching his spear by both ends, beat down six or 
eight of the enemy's spears, and opened a path. They 
forced their way to the open space between the ditch and 
the carts ; here Fabian and Johann Spet placed green 
wreaths on their heads, and advancing, challenged the 
bravest of the Spaniards to mortal combat. Two came out 
to them. Spet was, before the fray, laid low by a bullet, 
but Fabian slew his opponent. At length, when they were 
close upon the arquebuses, the Spaniards sprang to their 
feet, and the infantry battle began. Spears broke and 
swords snapped; some fought with fists, with clods of 
earth, and teeth ; sometimes one or other, fearing a cavalry 
attack on the flank, would cry, "Back, ye Germans !" but 
the first line never moved ; then fell the powerful Fabian, 
Linser, the boldest man in the world, and many others. 
The Spaniards frequently cried, " Victoria, Julius," and it 
seemed probable that they would be victorious. But 
Navarra's hopes were always doomed to disappointment : 
the Germans remained unshaken. 1 

But at the same time, Fabrizio and his horse, after a 
cavalry engagement of three hours, felt that they were un- 
equally matched with the French. Gaston himself ran an 
enemy through the body ; the Bayards and Palices com- 
pleted what the cannon had begun; the King's Guard 
used their iron firelocks with effect upon the helmets of 
the enemy ; the attack of the light cavalry was repulsed by 
a short manoeuvre. Ramon de Cardona fled. The young 
Marquis of Pescara did not forget his scutcheon and the 
words " with or upon " emblazoned on his standard ; but 
his horse stumbled, and he was taken prisoner. The envoy 
of the Pope, John de Medici, was led before the legates of 
the Concilium. Fabrizio Colonna still defended himself, 
unknown, as he thought. " Boman," said one to him, 

1 Zurita, ii. 283. Guicciardini, x. 590. Petrus Martyr, Ep. 483. 
Especially Coccinius, 286, and Fleuranges, 94. Vide also Macchiavelli, 
Principe, c. 26, p. 63. Hatteni Epitaphia in Empserum in the Epigram- 
matibus; Opera, t. i. 184, 185, ed. Munch. 



330 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

" yield to fate, and surrender to me." " Dost thou know 
me — who art thou ? " " Alfonso of Este ! " " It is well, no 
Frenchman ; " he surrendered himself. The knights were 
completely disorganised. 1 

At this juncture, Pondormy also with cavalry careered 
across Navarra's ditches, and attacked the infantry in the 
flank. Ive d'Allegre broke into Eamazotto's company, in 
order to avenge the death of his son, whom they had killed 
in an insurrection. Others came to the assistance of the 
Germans, who were with the artillery. Navarra looked 
round, and saw that the battle was lost ; he began to beat a 
retreat, though in good order. Yet once again he made a 
desperate onslaught upon the enemy, and was taken pri- 
soner. This decided the day. Don Diego Chignones lay 
wounded on the ground, and saw the horsemen dashing 
past him. Half dead he raised himself, and inquired who 
had won the victory. He heard, " The French," and parted 
dissatisfied from the world. 2 

" Sire," said Bayard to Gaston, who was covered with 
blood and brains, "are ye wounded ?" " No," replied Gas- 
ton, " but I have wounded." Bayard answered : " Thank 
God, now leave the pursuit to others." Whilst they spoke, 
Gaston perceived the Bastard of Chimay : " Well, Master, 
am I slain as you said ? " " Sire, it is not yet over," was the 
answer. At that moment a musketeer came : " Look, Sire, 
two thousand Spaniards are on the height." These Spaniards 
had fought with some Gascons further away, and, after having 
defeated and pursued them, were now returning. Gaston 
again took up his helmet : " Who loves me follows me ; " 
with twenty or thirty he rushed upon them; but found 
his death. It is, doubtless, sweet for a young man, after 
glorious achievements, and in the midst of great successes 
and hopes, to die, while yet free from the blame which later 
years bring only too easily. Memory immortalizes youth. 
Gaston's horse fell, and he defended himself on foot. 
Lautrec called to the Spaniards : " Spare him, he is the 
brother of your Queen ; " but no quarter was given. He 

1 The foregoing and Jovius, Vita Alfonsi Ferrariensis, 176. Vita 
Leonis. Vita Davali Pescarse, 280. Ferry Carondelet a Marguerite, 
Lettres, 228. 

2 The same and Passero, Giornale Napolitano, 180. 



CH. IV.] JULIUS II. IN LEAGUE WITH SPAIN. 331 

was slain, and thrown into the ditch : he had received four- 
teen wounds in his face. 

When the French saw this, the joy of their victory was 
damped. 

This conflict is remarkable as having been the only one in 
history, where Italians and Spanish, on the one side, opposed 
an alliance between Italians, Germans, and French on the 
other, since Italians and Germans were later always united 
with the Spaniards, and it is most especially remarkable 
for the co-operation of firearms with the spears of the in- 
fantry and the armour of the chivalry. The military dis- 
cipline of the French hommes d'armes, and the stubborn 
resistance of the Germans bore off the victory. 

The French came to the Germans, who were still drawn up 
in line, and said : " That is our ordnance that you took from 
us in Naples, now give it back to us. Will not ye also go 
out for booty ? " They answered : " We have stood here, 
not for booty, but for glory and honour." They fell on 
their knees and thanked God. 1 

A Spanish knight was the first to bring the news of the 
battle to Eome. The Spanish ambassador at once shipped all 
his household goods on the Tiber ; the populace, summoned 
by some of the barons to liberty, closed their shops and began 
to rise. Julius shut him up in the Castello St. Angelo, and 
was minded to leave Italy. Ferdinand, in anxiety for the 
peril of Naples, forgot his principles, and again appointed 
the great Captain commander-in-chief of the forces in Italy. 2 
Thus the great war of the Pope, Venetians, Swiss, and 
Spaniards against the French and Germans completely 
failed. Other forces must needs be summoned to accom- 
plish the end in view. 

1 After Fleuranges, Bayard's Letter, 453, and Coccinius. Hatten, 
183. 

2 Infessura in Rainaldus, 112. Petrus Martyr, 484. Jovius Vita 
Gonsalvi, 286. 



332 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 



2. Formation of a New League. The Situation and 
Coalition of England. 

At this time, with perhaps the exception of the French, 
there was no nation more subject to its King than the 
English. The proud heads of the nation had become 
thinned in the struggle between the rival houses of York 
and Lancaster, and in the fresh rivalries which ensued be- 
tween the members of that faction which finally triumphed. 
Comines computes that eighty scions of the blood royal were, 
as far as he could ascertain, slain in these wars. King 
Edward IV. in his battles cried : " Slay the lords ; but 
spare the people ! " x At length, Henry VII. was conveyed 
in a closed carriage to London to be crowned, and had 
either interned in the Tower, or put to death, the rest 
of the York faction; 2 not even sparing the man, whose 
secession at the decisive hour had alone procured him 
victory and the Crown. Hereupon he limited the clergy's 
right of asylum, and so far subjected the cities, that 
their liberties, without his Chancellor's confirmation, were 
a dead letter, and cowed the peasants after they had thrice 
risen in arms against him. 3 The organs of liberty — 
the tribunals and parliament — were subservient to him. 
His councillors in the Star Chamber dealt with murder, 
robbery, and every apparent attempt at insurrection. His 
financial justices, Empson and Dudley, made use of the 
conflicting laws of the realm, given by conflicting powers, 
to hold, by means of fines, payable for every trans- 
gression of the law, both the nation in obedience and 
the King in funds. But his Parliaments — following the 
precedent established in the civil wars, that each victor 
formed one of his own party, which was rather an organ 
of the supreme power, than an organ of the people 
— were from the first entirely subservient to him. The 

1 Comines, Memoires, pp. 41, 155. 

2 Polydonis Virgilius, Historia Anglica, 728. 

3 Baco, historia Henrici VII. Opus vere politicum, pp. 18, 360. 



CH. IV.] FORMATION OP A NEW LEAGUE. 333 

first consisted exclusively of men who had been excluded 
from former parliaments. Another parliament chose Dud- 
ley for its Speaker. 1 

This obedience was Henry YII.'s internal safeguard ; 
the external lay in his relationships. We have already 
seen that he married his daughter to the King of Scotland 
and his son Arthur to Catherine. Arthur having died be- 
fore, as is believed, he was able to consummate the mar- 
riage, Catherine, much as she wished to escape from these 
hard hearts, her father and father-in-law, was compelled 
to remain, because in her each thought himself surer of the 
other. But Henry was not yet contented. He united him- 
self to the Austro- Spanish house through the marriage of 
Charles of Austria with his daughter Maria. 2 

This English prince, with his few hairs, few teeth, and a 
face that no painter would envy, parsimonious, and studying 
his own advantage more than his honour and glory, and 
whose servants were mere tools in his hand, left, in 1509, 
his realm to his son, who could wield the two-handed sword 
and the battle-axe as deftly as he could play the flute and 
spinet, lavish by nature, in want of a favourite, and eager 
for honour and glory. 3 

Yet being one flesh and blood they both went the same 
way. Although Henry VIII. bore a rose, half white and 
half red, on his scutcheon, he put to death Suffolk and 
Buckingham, the old servants of the Yorks, whose 
lives his father had spared. To put to death the fiscal 
judges was, at all events, as violent a deed on the part of 
the son as had been their employment by the father. His 
first favourite, Wolsey, who used the whole lustre of his 
archbishopric and his dignity as Papal emissary, to sub- 
ject the clerics, and who, by virtue of his office of chancellor, 
subordinated all the bureaucracy to it, procured him all 
the essential advantages of supremacy, without the name. 
Parliament continued to vote what he wished, and, as he 
said to an opponent, "Man, to-morrow my bill or thy 

1 Baco, 113, 236, 350. Polydor. Virgilius, 775. Cf. also Hume. 

2 Polydor., xxvii, 2. Zurita, ii. 155. Vetturi in Macchiavelli, Lega- 
zione, v. 228. 

3 Baco and Polydor. Especially Edward Herbert of Cherbury, The 
Life and Reign of Henry VIII., p. 4. 



334 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

head passes." The whole manner and way of the father 
was his also ; only he acted still more inconsiderately and 
more rapidly than the other. 1 

He also based his foreign policy upon his relationships. 
His object was not merely to secure his own position, but 
to procure for the great league, to which he belonged, the 
ascendancy in Europe ; and herein he proceeded with more 
energy and passion than his father had done. 

At the very outset, immediately after his marriage with 
the Spanish Catharine, he found himself, through her, 
bound to Ferdinand, and, through his sister Maria, with 
Charles and Maximilian. In the year 1511, he sent aid to 
both; to the first against the Moors, and to the other 
against G-uelders ; and as long as they enjoyed it, he also 
had peace with France. In July, 1510, his envoys swore 
the old treaties with Louis. 2 But when, in 1511, Ferdinand 
entered into a league with the Pope, matters wore a diffe- 
rent complexion. 

One material success of the League of 1495 was, as we 
have seen, the formation of the grand Austro- Spanish 
alliance. At the present time, it was Ferdinand's plan to 
found in the same manner a new league, in name and aim in 
the interest of the Pope, but, in actual fact, having for its 
object the future greatness of his house. 

But the foundation of all was the reconciliation between 
Ferdinand and Maximilian. After the long feud respect- 
ing Castile, Mercurin Grattinara was, of all Maximilian's 
counsellors, the first to arrive at the conviction that this 
reconciliation was the greatest need of his lord and master. 
How was it that the campaign against Padua had failed, 
was it not because Ferdinand had sent the Venetians 
supplies ? 3 In order to renew the old understanding, he 
betook himself to Spain ; here, after at last abandoning 
Maximilian's claim for an immediate administration of 
Castile, which could never be obtained, and, by contenting 
himself with an arrangement, whereby Ferdinand as- 

5 Herbert, 14. Goodwinus, Annales Anglici, Henrico, Eduardo et 
Maria regnantibus, p. 17. Hume, Henry VIII. , p. 117. 

2 Herbert, The Life, 15. Macchiavelli, Legazione, v. 348. Zurita, ii. 
249. 

3 Gattinara a Marguerite, Lettres de Louis, 194. 



CH. IV.] FORMATION OP A NEW LEAGUE. 335 

sured the succession in his realms to their common 
grandson Charles, he brought about the reconciliation, 
and restored the old alliance, and the natural friend- 
ship between both potentates. Since then, Ferdinand 
busied himself again with the G-uelders affair, and the 
Emperor in his state papers devised war against the 
Moors. 1 

Ferdinand's next scheme was to draw the King of 
England and the Emperor, his nearest relatives, into his 
war. 

He first succeeded with King Henry. When Louis in- 
vited the latter to take part in the Concilium of Pisa, the 
answer was given in the fact, that the monarch, whilst the 
French ambassador was speaking, leant on the shoulder of 
the Spanish envoy, Louis Carroz. 2 The league between 
Ferdinand and the Pope was concluded in the presupposi- 
tion that Henry would join it. Henry hoped that the Pope 
would give him the title of " the most Christian monarch," 
and, on the 4th of February, 1512, he dispatched his pleni- 
potentiaries to the Lateran Council. He hoped, if not to 
restore the greatness of the former English kings in France, 
at all events to unite G-uyenne to his royal standard ; and, 
for this purpose, his parliament, which assembled on the 
same day, voted him a benevolence. He appointed privi- 
leges for faithful, and punishments for faithless, captains. 3 
One of his motives, perhaps, was that his house, owing to 
Maria's marriage with Charles, had a claim to Naples, which 
Ferdinand represented as being in danger ; and the five and 
a half millions which his father had left him gave him sup- 
port and confidence. Suffice it to say, he entered into the 
league, and promised to rule the waves from the mouth of 
the Thames to le Trade. In the winter, he sent two mes- 
sages to Louis, one about Guyenne, and one for the Pope. 
But as both were to no purpose, he declared war, and made 
common cause with Ferdinand ; he agreed to supplement 
8,000 Spanish infantry with 8,000 English arquebusiers, 
but to pay the cavalry jointly with him ; whatever was con- 

1 Zurita, ii. 203. Letters of the Emperor of 1510 in Goldast, Hor- 
mayr, Beckmann. 2 Zurita, ii. 267. 

3 Herbert, The Life, 18, 19. Jeanle Yeau in the Lettres, iii. p. 150, 
of 10th February. 



336 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

quered should belong to him whose forefathers had pos- 
sessed it. 1 

Henry having now made his decision, both parties solicited 
the alliance of Maximilian. When, in August, 1511, Julius 
was lying sick unto death, Maximilian entertained a 
hope of becoming Pope himself. " He required 300,000 
ducats to gain over the cardinals ; and to raise this sum 
he would sacrifice his four chests full of jewels, and 
his feudal apparel. Nothing less was his due." Both 
parties entertained the same idea, even after Julius had 
recovered. The schismatic cardinals encouraged Maxi- 
milian, urging him only to come to Italy ; there there were 
at his service 200 lances of Louis, the power of the San- 
severins of Mantua and Ferrara, as well as the prestige of 
the Concilium ; the Pope could then be deposed, and he him- 
self, if he desired it, be elected in his stead. Naples, they 
urged, was also open to him. On the other hand, Ferdi- 
nand reminded him that, "friendship with the present Pope, 
and not enmity, was essential, if he wished to become his 
successor." 2 

We do not precisely learn when and wherefore Maxi- 
milian abandoned this scheme, which looked far too com- 
plicated to be able to be realized ; but, as he was allied with 
Ferdinand, there was no help for it as long as Julius was 
alive. Other matters were nearer his heart. 

It had ever been his intention to conquer the Milanese 
and Venetian territory. But the one scheme really ex- 
cluded the other, for he could not subdue the one with- 
out the assistance of the other. Ferdinand disclosed to 
him a way of attaining both objects successively: first 
of all, Milan to be conquered for Charles, their grand- 
son, by coming to Maximilian's hands through the 
league ; for this purpose, a truce to be made with Venice, 
then the assistance and co-operation of the latter ; finally, 
an attack upon Venice itself. 3 Julius was already so 

1 Ratificatio Liga ap. Rymer, vi. 1, 25. Articul. 2, 7. Polydorus, 
lib. xxvii. p. 7. 

2 Maximilian's Letters of 18 Sept., probably 1511, to Margareth in 
tbe Lettres and to Lichtenstein in Goldast. Zurita, ii. 260. 

3 Zurita, ii. 262. Another proof are the negotiations at Mantua in 
the summer of 1512. 



CH. IV.] CONQUEST OF MILAN. 337 

deeply entangled in the net of this family, that he agreed 
to whatever suited them. The Venetians declined to 
abandon Verona and Vicenza entirely, and refused the 
Emperor's demand, that they should recognize the Arch- 
duke Charles as their suzerain ; the Pope, having gathered 
from a secret letter of Louis, which, though the words 
were crossed out, was still legible, that an alliance between 
the King and the Eepublic was to be apprehended, lost no 
time in bringing about a truce between the Emperor and 
Venice, which left to both parties what they possessed, and 
procured for the Emperor, to begin with, a sum of 40,000 
ducats. 1 

This, and the disturbances in Guelders, which had re- 
commenced, brought it about that the Emperor joined 
the league. At the very moment that he forsook Louis's 
side, his Germans had gained a victory for Louis. It is 
true that, shortly before the battle of Ravenna, a dim, un- 
certain, and mysterious intimation of this truce was made 
to them from the enemy's camp ; but this news had no in- 
fluence upon their courage and success. Venice also re- 
cognized the Lateran Council. 



3. Conquest of Milan. 

Three things had been foretold to his army by Ferdinand, 
and two had already happened : England was now involved 
in war with France, and the Emperor had made peace with 
Venice. In the days of the battle of Ravenna, the third 
was also realized : the invasion of Milan by the Swiss. 

On that Good Friday, on which Gaston stormed Ravenna 
and the Spaniards went forth to battle, the bitterest foes 
of the French, coming from all the cantons of the Con- 
federation, assembled in Baden, and resolved, even single- 
handed, to begin the war against the French. Each man 
of them was to announce the fact of their decision to his 
lords and superiors, and beg them for powder and muskets. 
The following Saturday week, they were to meet in Livinen 

1 Bembus. Document in the Lettres de Louis, iii. 217. 
z 



338 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [bI. II. 

and, in God's name, advance against their enemies. 1 Neither 
the Diesbachs of Berne, who had mocked at the "Cardinal 
Schiner in a Shrovetide play, nor yet those private indi- 
viduals who had promised the French peace, in considera- 
tion of a sum of only 60,000 guilders, were able to cope 
with snch a great rising of the people, and withstand 
the indignation of the cantons ; 2 and even Jiirg uff der 
Flue negotiated at Milan in vain. The papal party had 
been encouraged by new promises of temporal and spiritual 
favours, and the imperial party also had come over to 
them, in consequence of Maximilian's fresh attitude. On 
that Saturday after Easter, the 19th of April — it was in- 
evitable — the Swiss, with the ensigns of their cities and 
provinces, and with armour, cannon, and weapons, sallied 
forth to aid the Pope. 3 Their envoys were despatched to 
the various courts ; some, instructed, as it would seem, by 
the French party, repaired to Louis : " Why," they asked, 
" had he taken from them the subsidy which their poverty 
demanded, in return for which they had made France twice 
as great as it had been ; but it often happened that God, 
through the instrumentality of despised creatures, broke 
the pride that was displeasing to him." 4 Others were 
sent to the Emperor. The Emperor said : " Both Italian 
and German Tyrol was open to them ; the future prince of 
Milan should pay them 300,000 ducats immediately, and 
guarantee 30,000 ducats annually." 3 On the 6th of May, 
the Swiss set out, in greater numbers and better equipped 
than ordinarily. They were under the command of a 
field-marshal, one Jacob Stapfer, a master of ordnance, 
and a provost-marshal, to whom the soldiers from all the 
various cantons swore fealty. In all the taverns in the 
Tyrol, they found bread and wine ; in Trent their captains, 
whilst seated at a meal in the bishop's garden, heard the 
intentions of the Emperor. In Verona, they received a hat 
and sword, a consecrated banner, and, moreover, each 

1 Letter in Fuehs, ii. 318. 

2 Anshelm and Glut z., 261. Lettres, iii. 

3 Report from embassy in Venice, in Stettler. Fuchs, 332. 

4 Petrus Martyr, and especially Gamier, from the MSS. of Bethane, 
p. 351. 

5 Fuchs, 321. 



CH. IV.] CONQUEST OF MILAN. 339 

man, as first payment, a ducat, from the hand of their 
Cardinal. 1 

They came just at the right moment for the Pope. 
Encouraged by the victory of Bavenna, Louis' Concilium 
had, in its eighth sitting, declared the Pope now and here- 
after suspended from all Papal authority ; but, after the 
loss of its commander-in-chief and so many brave men in 
the battle, the French army was not by any means strong 
enough to give effect to such a sentence. 2 La Palice, upon 
whom the command had devolved, was obliged to content 
himself with holding his strongholds in Bomagna. But, 
on the 3rd of May, after passing the night in the Lateran 
Church, he also opened his Council in the midst of it, 
in order, as he said, to weed out the thorns from the 
acre of the Lord. 3 On the 2nd, the Viceroy, Cardona, 
who, without halting, had fled from Eavenna to the Abruz- 
zian mountains, again started from Naples, in order with 
fresh forces from Sicily to make a fresh attack upon the 
French. 4 On this occasion, the plan was, to mass together 
in one camp the four armies, to wit, the Papal army, which 
had been organized under the Duke d'Urbino, the SjDanish, 
the Venetian and the Swiss armies. At Vallegio, the Swiss 
actually joined forces with the Venetian cavalry and artil- 
lery ; they were resolved, even if their way led through the 
midst of the enemy, to find the two other armies. 5 How was 
La Palice to cope with such a hostile demonstration ? For, 
as the English in the same month of May had sailed to 
Fuentarabia and, not content with throwing an army upon 
the Bidassoa were harassing the coast of Brest, and as, 
moreover, a great joint attack by English and Spanish upon 
G-uyenne had also been announced, King Louis was more in- 
clined to recall his Jiommes d'armes from Milan, than to send 
others thither. 6 But it was still uncertain which of the two 
Concilia, that of the King of France, or that of the Pope, 
would retain the upper hand. 

1 Writings of Schweizer, Peter Falk, in Fuchs, 335 sq. Glutz., 266. 
Stettler. 

2 Acta Concilii Pisani, in Rainaldus, p. 113. 

3 Historia Concilii Laterariensis, in Roscoe, Life of Leo I., App. 536. 

4 Caracciolus, Vita Spinelli, 59. Zurita, ii. 285. 

3 Mocenicus, 91. Liitener in Glutz., App. p. 538. 
6 Andrea del Borgo, Lettres, iii. 256. 



340 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Two events caused matters to come to a speedier issue 
than could have been anticipated. Firstly, the Swiss inter- 
cepted a letter from La Palice, which was to the effect that 
he would scarcely be able to hold the field against a strong 
army. This letter, having been translated to his comrades by 
the Freiburg captain, they were unanimous in their decision, 
not, as they had originally intended, to advance to the Po 
to join their friends, but to march forthwith to the Oglio 
and attack the enemy, and to rest not a night on the way, 
save out of necessity, for in three or four days the battle 
must be fought. 1 The second event was really the decisive 
one. We remember that the King of France vanquished 
Lodovico Sforza by withdrawing his lansquenets, and 
sending the Swiss upon him. Curiously enough, he was 
overcome by the same means with which he had formerly 
conquered. The Swiss were in the field against him. On 
the 4th of June, strict orders were received from Maxi- 
milian, addressed to the lansquenets, their commanding 
captains, lieutenants, corporals, and privates to leave the 
French camp from that very moment. Now they were not 
in the Emperor's pay, but in the King's ; but these lans- 
quenets were either Tyrolese, and thus the immediate sub- 
jects of the Emperor, or related to the Suabian league, 
and, as such, also, more or less in subjection to him. 
Accordingly, when Burkhard von Ems, Jacob's nephew, 
and Rudolf Hal, the captains of this band, came into the 
council of war, which Palice had summoned to take counsel 
on the question of resistance, they declared in spite of all 
the fair promises of the general, that they must obey 
the Emperor's orders, and, on the 5th of June, begged the 
Confederation for safe conduct. 2 Some were for remaining 
six days longer, until the expiration of the term for which 
they had bound themselves ; and about eight hundred, pro- 
bably South Germans and such as had nothing at home to 
lose, resolved to try their fortune with the French still 
longer. 

Hereupon Palice, seeing himself deprived of the faithful 

1 Peter Talk's Letter, in Fuchs, 357. The Solothurn Captains, in 
Glutz., 541. 

2 Missives and documents in Fuchs, 365. Eoo. Especially Zurita, ii. 
eq. 289. 



CH. IV.] CONQUEST OF MILAN. 341 

and victorious allies of Brescia and Eavenna, abandoned 
all idea of resistance, and retreated from place to place. 
For one moment, Trivulzio entertained the hope of being 
able to regain for Milan its old freedom, and he actually 
succeeded in winning over the leading Grhibellines. But 
what could be expected from these nobles, who only had 
a thought for their own immediate advantage ? At the 
very first disturbance of the social order, they broke dis- 
guised into the houses of poor learned men and aged inva- 
lids, and forced them to give up their savings, the hope 
of their latter years. Trivulzio, like Palice, abandoned 
also all hope, and left the city. 1 "Whilst, then, the French 
were retiring from Eavenna before the Papal army, and had 
in Bologna burnt the episcopal palace which they had 
occupied, and retired from the city — the Bentivogli never 
thereafter returned thither — Cremona surrendered to the 
Swiss, with the cry of "Julius, Church," and placed 
itself in the hands of the Liga. The Swiss advanced to 
Pavia. 2 Here they once more came upon a body of lans- 
quenets. At first they met each other with their old jests 
of the Ehine and G-ariglian, instead of with arms. But at 
last, when the French had retired, and the Swiss, invited 
by the citizens, entered the city, and the lansquenets, who 
also wished to retreat, were prevented by the breaking of 
a bridge, a desperate struggle ensued. The lansquenets 
saw that they were doomed to die at the hands of their 
old enemies ; they accordingly first went and threw the 
money, which they carried in their sleeves, into the river, 
in order that their enemies should not profit by it ; they 
then fought their fight, and were all slain. 3 Four days 
later, the French crossed the Mont Cenis ; there was not a 
single city in the whole duchy that had not surrendered. 
Only the castles still held out. 

Beyond all doubt it exceeded the expectations of the 
League, that Milan had so rapidly passed from the French 
hands, not into theirs, but into those of the Swiss. 

1 Arluni, de bello Veneto, ix. 195-201. 

2 Oath of Cremona in Daru, iii. 457. Talk's writings in Fuchs, 364. 

3 Principally Zwinglii, Relatio de rebus ad Paviam gestis, ap. Frehe- 
rum, ii. 124. Falk's writings, 368,378. Bayard, 328. Fleuranges, 104. 
Jovii vitae virorum doctorum, p. 107. Leferron, iv. 102. 



342 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

When Julius received the tidings, he read them through 
silently ; he then drew himself up and said to his master 
of the ceremonies, " Victorious, Paris, we have been victo- 
rious." "May it be of service to your Holiness," replied 
the latter, and knelt down. The Pope : " May it profit you 
and all Italians, and all the faithful whom G-od hath 
deigned to deliver from the bondage of barbarians ; " he un- 
folded the letter and read it through from beginning to end. 1 
Shortly after, the news arrived from Grenoa that his country 
was at last free ; upon Jan Fregoso's arrival in Chiavia and 
upon receiving a letter from Matthew Lang, the French 
commander had fled to the Lanterna, his Swiss guard had 
disbanded, and Jan had thereupon entered the city. 2 
Envoys from Bologna arrived, but without vestments and 
golden chains, to implore pardon of the Pope. Parma and 
Piacenza surrendered to him ; he did not receive them as 
new, but as old subjects, whom an accident two hundred 
and fifty years previously had estranged from the Church. 

Alfonso d'Este came under the protection of the Colonna 
to be liberated from his ban and to appease his anger. 3 
Rome was ablaze with torches and feux de joie, the Pope 
presented an altar cloth with the inscription, " Julius II. 
after the liberation of Italy," to the church of St. Peter. 4 
A great painting of Raphael immortalizes these events. 
In the Camera della Signatura, he represents Heliodor, as 
the horse with the rider in gold mail prepares to hick him 
as he is in the act of committing sacrilege, whilst two 
avenging angels hurl him down. 5 

These, beyond doubt, were the happiest days in the life 
of pope Julius ; after so much exertion, danger, tribulation, 
and tears, his object was, as it appeared, attained, his plan 
had succeeded, and his name immortalized in the glory of 
his great deeds. 

He owed the Swiss eternal gratitude, for it is patent to 
all eyes that it was they that rescued him at a single blow 
from his great spiritual and temporal danger. The other 

1 Paris de Grassis, ap. Eainaldum, 121. 

2 Senarega, incomplete, 615; Folieta, 294. Also Zurita. 

3 Carpesames, an Envoy of Parma, 1288. Jovii Alfonsus, 178 seq. 

4 Paris de Gr., 122. 

5 Speth, Kunst in Italien, ii. 294. Eoscoe, Leo, iii. 393. 



CH. IV.] CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 343 

members of the League were not so happy ; both Ferdinand 
and Maximilian had expected quite a different issue. 
Ferdinand only made use of the victory, to stay Gonzal's 
preparations. The army, which, in spite of this termination, 
and against the Pope's express desire, he sent across the 
Tronto, 1 seemed to be intended for somewhat else than to 
serve the Pope. 



Conquest of Navarre. 

At first, this same Ferdinand did not turn his eyes to- 
wards Italy as much as he did towards the French frontier — 
where the Marquis of Dorset had made his appearance with 
8.000 English auxiliaries — that is towards Navarre. 2 

In those days, the kingdom of Navarre comprised the 
valleys and hills, fruitful and barren, which extend on both 
sides of the Pyrenees, on the one side from the Ebro, and 
on the other from the Nim, up to the snowy heights of the 
mountain chain. On both sides, the cattle were driven to 
the Alduidos to pasture : herds might be seen all the way 
from the Ebro valley as far as the church of St. Jago hard 
by St. Jean Pie de Port. Every loss caused by robbery 
was made good by the district in which it had happened, 
even across the hills. 3 Now this kingdom had for a long 
time been imperilled on both sides. In France, Louis de- 
fended the rights of Gaston de Foix, who was as much 
the grandson of the old Gaston, King of Navarre, as 
the possessor of the throne, Catharine, was his grand- 
daughter. 4 She had made her husband, John d'Alibret, 
king of the country. On the Spanish side, Ferdinand, in 
opposition to this King and his adherents, the Agramonts, 
took the part of the Count Lerin, the head of the Beau- 
monts ; the Count had once been one of the most powerful 
of vassals, a man, who had to be allowed to ignore the 
King's express invitation ; but he had been driven out, and 

1 Zurita, ii. 307. 

2 Herbert, The Life of Henry VIII., p. 20. 

3 Garibay, Compendio universal de las Chronicas, torn. iii. ; historia 
de Navarra. Barcel, J628,p. 11. 

4 Polydorus, in extenso. 



344 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE, II. 

was now a fugitive in Andalusia. Moreover, King Louis 
was suzerain of one part of the land of Navarre ; in the 
remaining portion, all Alcaldes had sworn allegiance to 
Ferdinand ; he held five strongholds in the land, and had 
even the King's daughter in his keeping. Many years be- 
fore this, there lived and reigned in Navarre a King, Sancho 
the Wise; this monarch had emblazoned on his coat of 
arms two lions, both pulling at a golden band, which they 
held in their teeth; this device represented Castile and 
Aragon struggling for Navarre. The relation of Spain 
and France to this country was analogous. At the com- 
mencement of the year 1512, Ferdinand, in order to secure 
himself against attack on the part of Louis XII. as a result 
of Ms concerted co-operation with the Pope against him in 
Italy, demanded of the Alcaldes that they should renew 
their oath of allegiance, requiring besides the surrender of 
the prince into his keeping, and three additional strong- 
holds. 1 It was just at the time that G-aston attained every 
day to greater renown in Italy, and had additional claims to 
Louis's gratitude, which could only consist in his defence of 
his rights to Navarre. Gaston's death was the good fortune 
of the kings of Navarre. They immediately allied them- 
selves with France, summoned the Estates of their realm 
from both sides the Puertos, obtained assistance, and pre- 
pared to resist the pretensions of Ferdinand and his 
English. 2 

Now it was either an idle tale that was spread abroad, 
or it was an actual fact, that a secretary of the King of 
Navarre had been stabbed in the house of his paramour, 
and that the priest, who was called in to offer consolation, 
found on him the copy of a treaty, by which Louis pledged 
himself to restore the old frontier of Navarre against 
Castile, and sent it to Ferdinand. This enabled the latter 
to gain over the Cardinal Ximenes and, a part of the 
nation for his undertaking. 3 He declared, that he had long 
had in his possession a bull putting under ban the King 
of Navarre, who was as schismatic as the French sovereign, 

1 Zurita, i. 12. Garibay, 500. 

2 Zurita, i. 130; ii. 161 ; ii. 273-290. Garibay, 29, c. 25. Dumont, 
iy. 1, 147. Zurita, 294. 

3 Petri Martyris Epistolse, ep. 491. Gomez, Vita Ximenis, 1060. 



CH. IV.] CONQUEST OP NAVARRE. 345 

to whom he was lending his support ; he commanded the 
Duke of Alba, who had gathered a great army in Yittoria, 
under the pretence of joining the English, not to combine 
with these latter, but, instead thereof, to advance upon 
Pampeluna. 1 

John was not yet ready, and no Frenchman was at 
hand, when the Duke of Alba appeared at the narrow 
gorge which divides the valleys of Biscay from those of 
Navarre, His muskets easily dispersed the 600 E-onca- 
lese who defended the pass. Don Luys, Count of Lerin, 
marched at the head of the Spaniards. The whole party 
of the Beamonts rose in his favour, and the cities, which 
had once belonged to him, received him with jubilation. 
On the fifth day, the army stood eight leagues from the 
city upon the heights which form the Cuenca, that is, the 
basin of Pampeluna. John d'Alibret was a king who went 
twice or three times daily to mass, and who would dance 
with a peasant woman and eat with a citizen, but not made 
for war and danger. He said, " Better be in the hills 
than a prisoner," and fled ; two days later, his spouse also 
fled away. She said, " Ye were always John d'Alibret and 
wilt remain so. Were ye Queen and I King, this realm 
would not be lost." On the 25th July, 1512, Pampeluna 
surrendered to the Spaniards, and Alba guaranteed its 
general and special "Fueros" and all its rights ; this done, 
with the exception of a few castles belonging to the Agra- 
monts and the valleys of Boncal, the whole of the kingdom 
lying on this side was reduced. On the 10th of September, 
Alba proceeded into the land of Ultrapuertos, and on the 
same day took St. Jean. 2 

The English saw with astonishment how the French 
war, which they had come out to fight, resolved itself 
into a conquest of Navarre for Spain. Bayonne lies eight 
miles from St. Jean, and this former city they could, at 
all events, at once attack with combined forces. " But 
not to Bayonne," wrote Ferdinand, " where every pinnacle 
bristles with guns ; before you there lies the open and 
unprotected country." The Marquis of Dorset, who was 

1 Antonius Nebrissensis, de bello Navarrensi, in Hisp. illustr., ii. 911. 

2 Garibay, 506. Antonius, 911, 912. Eleuranges, 115. Zurita, 302. 
Petrus Martyr, ep. 499. 



346 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

annoyed at this constant hesitation and delay, replied that, 
" his orders were to go against Bayonne, and not against 
the open country ; he would not approach the Spaniards 
by a single inch." His King was sooner over-persuaded 
than he himself. But before any other arrangement could 
be come to, a mutiny among his troops compelled the 
Marquis to retreat. 1 

Yet, without their assistance, Ferdinand understood how 
to defend his conquest. Alba was still in St. Jean, when, 
in November, 1512, d'Alibret succeeded, with French assis- 
tance, in penetrating into the kingdom through the denies ; 
closing them behind him, he began the siege of Pampe- 
luna with every prospect of success. But Alba, making 
his way by paths little known, arrived at Pampeluna in 
the nick of time, and held out there, until fresh auxiliary 
forces from Spain showed themselves on the heights of 
Cuenca. Then d'Alibret retired, and the peasants, who 
had come with their waggons to buy and load the pillage 
and plunder of the city, returned dissatisfied homewards. 
And now Ferdinand brought the whole of Navarre this 
side the Pyrenees, 800 Pueblos, entirely into his power; 
the high chain of mountains formed an admirable frontier. 
Further, Navarre, lying on the other side, was never 
again united with the other, and, with but few traces left, 
the whole memory of the old brotherhood entirely dis- 
appeared. The conquered land desired the Aragon and 
Allodial law ; but it only received the laws of Castile and 
vassal rights and customs. It retained its Cortes. The 
Procurators of the twenty-three cities held a sitting before 
the canopy of the throne, to settle the " Servicio," only under 
the canopy there sat, not their King, but a representative 
of the King of Spain. This also had become a piece of the 
great inheritance of Austria and Spain and of the great 
feud between this house and France. 2 

1 Polydorus. Herbert, Life of Henry, 22. 

2 Antonius, 912-924. Zurita, 318-328. Garibay. 



CH. IV.] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE. 347 



6. Revolution in Florence. Other successes in Italy. 

In the July of 1512, Navarre was conquered, and, in the 
ensuing November, put into a state of defence ; midway be- 
tween both these events, in September, the Austro- Spanish 
house succeeded in an enterprise, which was perhaps of 
even greater influence upon international relations. 

We have seen how the war, waged by Alexander's 
League some sixteen years previously, turned, after the 
French had been driven from Italy, against their principal 
supporters ; to wit, the Popolares in Florence. During the 
time that Louis was in Italy, these same Popolares had 
enjoyed extended influence under the first man of the city, 
Peter Soderini, who had been raised to the position of per- 
petual Gonfaloniere ; and, after Louis had been expelled, 
they still adhered to their old allegiance to him. For a 
second time, a League, none other than that of the Pope 
Julius, now turned against them. 

Pisa, which, after indefatigable exertions, they had at 
length again subjected, was their destruction. After four 
campaigns, they came so far as to storm it ; and killed one of 
their leaders, a certain Paolo Vitelli, because he did not 
take it. For three successive years, they came in May and 
ravaged the crops of the Pisanese as far as the walls of 
the city ; they even attempted to divert the course of the 
Arno, and employed 80,000 labourers on the work ; they 
spared no money in order to obtain the sanction of the 
Kings of France and Spain to their undertaking. From 
Podesteria to Podesteria, and from valley to valley, with the 
assistance of their citizen Macchiavelli, 2 they formed military 
stations of native soldiery. At length, in the year 1509, 
they succeeded in their object. They had invested the city 
by three camps, and had made the Arno inaccessible by 
building a strong bridge, and the Fiume Morto impregnable, 
with piles bound together under the water by iron bands. 3 

1 Filippo Nerli, 89. Jacopo Nardi, 83. 

2 Guicciardini, vi. 343 ; viii. 418. 

3 Istruttione of Macchiavelli in the Legazione, iv. 106. His letters, 
262, 264. Vasari, Vita di San Gallo, p. 133. 



348 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

An intolerable famine broke out in the city, entailing a 
quarrel between the citizens, who were for holding out 
longer, and the country people, who violently demanded the 
surrender of the place. The latter obtained the upper 
hand. On the 8th June, 1509, the Florentines again 
entered Pisa. 1 But the reconquest of the place did not 
bring good fortune and prosperity to the Florentines. The 
name of Pisa, and the memory of an old Concilium in the 
place, incited both King and Cardinals to urge the sum- 
moning of a new Concilium there. The Florentines were 
under too deep an obligation to the King to be able to 
refuse ; but the fact that they, although unwillingly, 
acceded to this demand, made the Pope their enemy. 2 
This was, as far as could be seen, the principal reason for 
an attack upon them. In 1511, Julius appointed their 
great enemy, the Cardinal de Medici, legate at his army ; 
and now that they had banished his Datario from their 
city, the Pope became all the greater supporter of this 
Cardinal, who intended to avail himself of the French re- 
verse to make an attack upon Florence, and favoured his 
plans. 3 

Among Lorenzo de Medici's shrewd schemes, one of 
the shrewdest was the employment of the prestige, which 
he possessed as mediator of Italy, to obtain the least in- 
vidious and most certain enhancement of his house in 
the ecclesiastical preferment of his son John. When this 
family was driven from Florence, John's benefices, con- 
sisting in a prebendary, a priory, a provostship, four canon- 
ries, six benefices, fifteen abbeys, and an archbishopric, 
were one of its chief supports. 4 We do not find that John 
either grossly neglected or zealously administered the 
original offices of those benefices ; it was his whole aim to 
live happily without being guilty of any striking faults, to 
make friends and gain prestige, and reinstate the lustre 
of his family. His face, as shown in Eaphael's picture, if 
regarded but hastily, displays but the pleasure and satiety 

1 Macchiavelli's Eeports, 267-290. Treischke, Geschichte der fiinf- 
zehnjahrigen Freiheit von Pisa, p. 356. 

2 Jovius, Vita Leonis, ii. 35. Nerli, 104. 

3 Carondelet in the Lettres, iii. 78. Nardi, v. 144. 

4 Fabroni, Vita Leonis X. Adnotationes, p. 245. 



CH. IV.] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE. 349 

seen in other ecclesiastics of high order ; but if we regard 
it closer we are struck by an expression of deep thought, 
scheming, and firm will. He had a comfortable and plea- 
sant way of living. It was also his wont to give way to 
other cardinals in the slightest matters of contention ; he 
was serious or jesting, just as it suited them ; he never 
dismissed their agents without their being able to tell 
their principals that the Cardinal de Medici was their 
obedient and humble servant. 1 He proved to the Orsini 
on the chase that he was of their blood. His palace was 
always full of music and song ; it was a depot for the 
models, drawings, and works of the painters, sculptors, 
and goldsmiths of Eome. The literary world always found 
there a library open to their use. They were the books 
of his father Lorenzo ; it gave him the greatest pleasure 
when he took up one and studied it page by page. He 
then imagined he was earning the approbation of his 
deceased father. His most subordinate servants only left 
him in the conviction of his mildness and goodness. 2 

His life was not pretence ; but it availed him quite as 
much as if it had been most carefully studied. He won 
the hearts of all Florentines of his acquaintance. Men of 
quality did not fear from him Piero's arrogance. There 
were often assembled in Florence at that time, in the 
gardens of Cosimo Rucellai — a man more suited to scientific 
conversation and poetic essays than for the service of his 
country — young meu of the Yettori, Albizzi, Valori families, 
whom high birth, youth, wealth, and the consciousness of 
an excellent education had made, one cannot say otherwise, 
somewhat overbearing. They had read in Roman history of 
the glories of the Optimates, and thus they styled them- 
selves ; they found out the weak points of the G-onf aloniere 
and the Consiglio, and mocked at them in masquerades. 
The good Soderini, meek and mild, did not interfere ; but 
they joined the party of John Medici, through whom they 
hoped to attain greater influence. 3 

1 Leonis X. Vita, autore anonymo conscripta, in Koscoe, Leo X., 
App. to 3rd vol., 581. 

2 Jovii, Vita Leonis, ii. 29, sq. Especially Alcyonius, de exilio. 
Edited by Menken, 1707, i. p. 12. 

3 Filippo Nerli, Commentarii, p. 106. 



350 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

The Cardinal intended to make use of them to the advan- 
tage of his house, when he invited Eamon de Cardona to 
a campaign against Mantua. 

Cardona came in August to Mantua, and negotiated there 
with Matthew Lang, touching the reorganization of Italy 
after the victory ; the Medici promised to pay his Spaniards, 
whilst Soderini refused Matthew Lang the 100,000 ducats, 
which he demanded. 1 Soderini was blamed for his 
action in this matter ; but how could Lang answer for the 
Spaniards ? How could the Emperor, who, in 1509, had 
guaranteed the "status quo" of Florence in return for a 
money payment, and who was even then negotiating about it, 
be depended upon to alter it ? Both Bishop and Viceroy 
resolved upon the undertaking, in favour of the Medici. 

Soderini was a man who once demanded of the 300 
priors, who had at various times been under him, to declare 
publicly, whether he had ever preferred a personal advan- 
tage to a public interest, and whether he had ever on any 
occasion recommended his friends for a judicial post. 3 He 
felt himself completely free from all the passions of Italian 
partisanship, and trusted the people under him. 

When Cardona entered Tuscany, with the declaration that 
he was only coming against Soderini, the latter summoned 
the Grand Council and remonstrated with him, pointing 
out that he had gained his dignity by the will of the people, 
and not by force and deceit, and should all kings in the 
world, united, try to persuade him to lay down his dignity, 
he would not do so ; he would only lay it down, when the 
people which had conferred it, demanded it back of him ; 
he was in their hands, and into their hands he surrendered 
himself. He urged them to go amongst their Gronfaloniere 
and to decide the matter. They separated, and returned 
declaring their readiness to stake their lives and property 
for him. 3 

After this, Cardona found the Florentines more hostile 
than ever ; their cities resisted him, especially Prato, which 

1 Nardi, Historie, 147 ; cf. Memoire touching the meeting in Mantua, 
in the Lettres, iii. 289. 

2 From Ammirato and Cambi in Sismondi, Hist. d. republic ital., xiv. 
130. 

3 Address by Nerli. Macchiavelli, in the Lettere a Una Signora, 7. 



CH. IV.] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE. 351 

he besieged. On one occasion, being in straits, lie declared 
liis readiness to depart, provided the affairs of the Medici 
were left to the arbitration of his King Ferdinand, when all 
of a sndden everything was changed. Through a hole in the 
wall, which looked more like a window than a breach, the 
Spaniards succeeded in entering Prato. 1 They pillaged it, 
as Brescia had been pillaged, and by their doings filled all 
Florence with dismay. Eucellai's school made use of the 
first and greatest confusion. The youths, to the number 
of thirty, assembled under arms in the grand hall, and 
shouted at the door of the chamber where the Signori were 
assembled, that, " they would tolerate the Gronfaloniere no 
longer." As though they possessed the voice and the power 
of the people, they rushed forth, and bursting into Soderini's 
room, with the shout that, " his life should be safe, but 
that he must follow them," they tore him away with them. 
They opened the prisons, wherein sat some friends of the 
Medici, returned, forced from the Signori Soderini's deposi- 
tion, and, of him himself, flight ; and, before ever a treaty 
was signed, they opened the gates to the Viceroy and 
Juliano Medici, who was a brother of John. 2 A treaty was 
hereupon signed, the basis of which was the return of the 
Medici : between Ferdinand and Florence — and this is the 
vital point — there should be, in respect of Naples, an alli- 
ance for three and a half years, similar to that which had 
existed with Louis in regard to Milan, and, by virtue of 
which, the Florentines must, under the Medici, be as 
Spanish as, under the Popolares, they had been French. 3 

This arranged, Cardona left all internal matters to the 
Medici. At first, Julian permitted a limited G-onfaloniere, 
and, following the advice of Eucellai's friends, a council of 
the Optimates and much liberty. But this was not agreeable 
to John. Whilst yet outside the walls, he had determined 
with his followers on a different policy, and, after entering 
the city, arranged the like with the Condottiere there ; when 
morning broke, both rushed to the palace to the cry of "Palle ! 
Palle ! " they first forced the Signori to summon the people 
to a parliament, and then, by the weak and servile voices 

1 Nardi, 147. Guicciardini, xi. ii. p. 13. Jovius, Leo, p. 53. 

2 The foregoing, and especially Nerli, 1 1 0, i. 

3 Document of the treaty in Fabroni, Vita Leonis X., adnot., 266-69. 



352 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. IT. 

of this forcibly collected assembly, to commit the supreme 
power to a Balia of fifty -five men. As soon as they were 
elected and assembled, a Medici carried the standard before 
the Signori up the steps of the council house. The fifty- 
five, together with 200 others whom they had joined with 
them, formed the Great Council ; a council of seventy, and 
a council of a hundred was formed, following the example 
of the old Lorenzo. At the discretion of the Medici, 
new names were placed in the ballot boxes at all elections. 
Suffice it to say, the supreme power returned again to the 
Medici, John, Julian, and Lorenzo, Peter's son. The gaoler 
would often come up to two or three citizens and ask, 
" about what they were conversing ; " among the first dis- 
contents and suspects, Macchiavelli was arrested and im- 
prisoned. 1 

Now the Popolares, though thus humbled, were so little 
suppressed — as is shown by the fact that they afterwards 
regained their strength and seized the supreme power — 
that they were only awaiting the arrival of the French to 
rise again ; and thus the Cardinal became bound to the 
Spanish cause against the French, not only out of gratitude, 
not only owing to Cardona's alliance, but owing to a con- 
stant and perpetual interest. It must be confessed that 
this part of mid-Italy had now come, beyond all question, 
into the power of the Austro- Spanish house. Lucca was 
forced to enter the League. Siena received a garrison of 
100 Spanish lancers. 2 

In Mantua, after the Florentine undertaking, Cardona 
and Lang resolved to rearrange the Milanese and Venetian 
affairs. 

In Milan, they wished to appoint as prince, not the young 
Maximilian Sforza, who had at length, after an exile of 
fourteen years in Eegensburg 3 and the Netherlands, 
arrived at man's estate, but the Archduke Charles. This 
proposal was repeatedly brought before the Swiss during 
August and September; there should be paid them for 
their expenses 300,000 ducats and 50,000 ducats yearly 

1 Nardi, 156, sq. Nerli, 116. Macchiavelli, Lettere famigl., p. 11. 
Guicciardini, 17. 

2 Zurita, li. 314. 

3 Order of the Regensburg Council in the Regensburger Chronik., iv. 



CH. IV.] REVOLUTION IN FLORENCE. 353 

subvention ; for the present, that Sforza was not allowed 
to return to Italy. 1 

The Venetian dispute was to be fought out as soon as the 
truce expired. 2 Cardona would not be kept back with his 
troops, and replied to all objections, that he was captain- 
general of the League. Brescia, before being taken by the 
French, had always belonged to Venice ; but this did not 
prevent Cardona from taking this city, in October, 1512. 3 

How, then, if these plans were successfully carried out, 
would it then fare with the freedom of Italy, which the 
Pope thought he had achieved? The affairs of Ferrara 
compelled him to look to the interests at stake here. 

He was not at one with Alfonso d'Este, although the 
latter had come to Eome for the purpose of coming to an 
understanding. One day, a page in the palace heard the 
Pope walking up and down his chamber, hissing between 
his teeth the words, " This Vulcan," and " Vengeance." 
Alfonso was called Vulcan, and he was immediately in- 
formed of this occurrence. 4 It is possible that, at that 
moment, Julius was thinking of the Duke's plots against 
his life ; suffice it, however, to say, that Alfonso, who had 
just been bidden to a banquet by the Pope, feared for 
his life if he accepted the invitation. With the aid of 
Fabrizio Colonna, who in this manner requited him for 
saving his life in the battle of Ravenna, he succeeded in 
effecting his escape. As a result of this, however, Cardona 
and Alfonso again became enemies. The Pope, who was 
determined to subject Ferrara, needed the Spaniards, as 
the Swiss had refused their assistance for this purpose. 

Yet he did not go so far as to allow them, in return, 
to carry out their intentions upon Milan ; Maximilian 
Sforza must, after all, be at last installed there ; but he 
allowed them to have their freewill with regard to Venice. 
On the 25th November, he concluded an alliance with them, 
according to which the Venetians should leave Verona and 
Vicenza to the Emperor, retaining Padua and Trevigi in 
their hand, for an immediate payment of 250,000 ducats 

1 Fuch's, 444 (note to new edition). Anshelm, iv. 289. 

2 Especially Zurita. 

3 Paul. Jovius, Vita Pescane, 382 ; and Zurita, ii. 338. 

4 Carpesanus, Historian sui temporis up. Murieue, v. 286. 

A A 



354 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

and an annual tribute of 30,000. l This alliance promised 
him assistance against Ferrara. 

This arrangement once carried out, and the greater part 
of Lombardy in the hands of the Emperor and the Spaniards, 
how could the remainder hold out for any length of time, 
seeing that the Swiss were venal and the young Sforza 
very weak, and, moreover, in the hands of Andrea del 
Burgo and other imperial councillors? Italy, instead of 
enjoying liberty, would thus come into greater subjection 
than ever. Were not Julius' intentions themselves praise- 
worthy ? Were not the means he adopted bold and heroic ? 
But all his exertions, instead of tending to the emancipa- 
tion of Italy, merely enhanced the Austro-Spanish power. 
For ideal aspirations directed at attaining highest aims 
are subject to conditions having their own peculiar laws. 
Human actions are prompted by the first ; their success, 
however, depends upon the second. 

Before Julius saw the whole effect of his schemes, 
though he had an inkling of their issue, his death occurred, 
which took place in February, 1513. 

There is credible evidence of the fact that his dissolution 
was hastened by anxiety as to the future of Italy. 2 It was 
fated that even his decease should further the intentions of 
the Austro-Spanish house. 

Upon whom would it desire to confer the papal dignity, 
but upon that Cardinal, whom great favours had placed 
under an obligation, and whom, in consequence of the 
Florentine events and the danger with which it was threa- 
tened by the French and the popular party, it was able to 
call its own ? To this ' Cardinal were devoted heart and 
soul as well the younger members of distinguished families 
in Florence as also the junior cardinals, especially Petrucci 
of Siena and Sauli of G-enoa, for seeing how gentle and 
easy his nature was, they would share his power and 
authority. It was, perhaps, his abdominal complaint, for 
which he was operated in the Conclave itself, and which, 
in spite of his comparatively youthful years, held out no 
hope of old age, that contributed to his election ; or per- 

1 Peter Bembns' Complaints, 310. Paris de Grassis, 125. Paolo 
Paruta. historia Veneziena, p. 9. 

2 In Bembus. Moreover, Zurita, ii. 336, 338, 341. Passero, 188. 



CH. IV.] STRUGGLE OF THE FRENCH AND SWISS. 355 

naps his clever friend Bibbiena, who knew the weak 
points of all the cardinals and how to make use of them. 1 
At last the Cardinal Soderini, his natural enemy, also 
gave way, and was followed by all the other cardinals. 
He was elected. The people forthwith remembered his 
generosity ; the poets prophesied that Leo X. — he thus 
styled himself out of respect for a dream his mother had 
— would, like Numa following Romulus, also follow the 
stormy Julius, to crown in times of peace every virtue, 
every toil, and every art. His marvellous fortune was 
the common theme, how he, but a year previously taken 
prisoner at Ravenna, was miraculously liberated from 
captivity, and had become lord of Florence and lord of 
the world. All the inscriptions to be seen on the day of 
his coronation, the anniversary of that battle — the Turkish 
horse upon which he had ridden was also there — extolled 
the " subduer of fortune." Of the treasure, which Julius 
had so carefully hoarded up, 100,000 ducats were thrown 
among the people. The cup of joy and hope was over- 
flowing. 2 

For the outset, it was certain that his policy would 
further the interests of the Spaniards, and that, among all 
their many successes, his election was not the least. 



6. Struggle of the French and Sivissfor Milan. 

Between the two great powers of Europe, the French and 
the Austro- Spanish, both of which coveted Milan, stood 
the Swiss, withholding it from either. They had them- 
selves not merely gained in glory and prestige, but had 
also acquired considerable tracts of land in the Milanese 
territory. The valleys and defiles through which the Tosa, 
Maggia, Osernone, and Malazza, flowing from the Alpine 
chain, break their way through the rocky hills, not fruitful 
— they supply only stone and men who know how to carry 

1 Pio from Carpi to Maximilian, Journal de Conclave, in the Lettres 
de Louis, iv., p. 72, p. 65. Paris de Grassis in Iiainaldus, 133. Vita 
anonymi, 583. 

2 Poems in Roscoe, ii. 387. Jovius, Fabroni Vita, p. 65. 



356 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

loads and sweep chimneys — but the highways of nations, 
had been occupied by them. Moreover, there had passed 
into their hands the pleasant shores of the Lago Mag- 
giore, so far as they belong to Locarno, and the slope of 
the mountain chain where it sinks down towards Lake 
Como, a land full of tropical fruits and cornfields and 
vineyards : Lucano, Lugano, and Mendrisio, long since de- 
voted to them, had come into their hands. The whole 
mountain chain from Monte Rosa to the Wormser Joch, 
with all the passes, for the possession of which nations had 
so often striven, had now, after passing from Italian into 
German hands, been brought to own obedience to the Con- 
federation and the allied Cantons, through the instrumen- 
tality of the Grey League, which had not only appropriated 
the Mora and Lira valleys, but Veltlin also, as belonging to 
the monastery of Chur. Their cattle could now be driven in 
peace to the market at Varese, and the very first held, brought 
them extraordinary advantages ; wine and corn came up to 
them from Italy without trouble. 

It was now the Pope's care to install Maximilian Sforza 
as ruler of the rest of the Milanese territory, and this pro- 
ject was welcomed by the voice of the citizens of the 
capital, once more assembled on the green square before 
the Duomo ; 1 but that it was carried out, was principally 
due to the staunch attitude of the Swiss. On the 30th 
December, 1512, he received the key of the capital from the 
hands of a Zurich citizen, and entered the city. The Swiss, 
whom he confirmed in the possession of their acquisitions, 
and promised a present payment of 200,000 ducats, and an 
annual subvention of 40,000, entered into an alliance with 
him, promising : "to defend him and his successors in the 
duchy by force of arms for all time." 2 

What a difference between the innocence of the early 
fraternities, who only designed defence, and this League, 
which amounted to an independent entrance into inter- 
national disputes to defend a foreign land ! what a difference 
between that night on the Riitli and these days, when all the 
princes of our nations vied with each other for the favour 
of the peasants ! They felt it themselves. Marx Roust often 

1 Fuchs, 439. Arluni, de bello Veneto, 204. 

2 Article from the Act in Fuchs, 478. Vide also ibid., 501. 



CH. IV.] STRUGGLE OP THE FRENCH AND SWISS. 357 

narrated how, when he and the other deputies were sitting in 
the diet at Baden to cement and seal that League, three heavy 
blows were struck on the table bj invisible hands. 1 There 
is a legend to the effect, that the three men who concluded 
the League in Butli now rest in the Selisberg mountain, 
and keep watch over their people. To them the blows were 
attributed. Not only men, but nations also, have a zenith 
in their power and life; and never were the confederates 
more powerful than at this moment. In spite of this weird 
fright, they affixed their seals. 

The war was there in a trice. Louis XII., who had 
always discerned the glory of his reign in the acquisition 
of Milan, was determined to reconquer it. He had already, 
in September, 1512, offered the Swiss, through the inter- 
vention of Savoy, both peace and alliance. In February, 
1513, he made a second attempt. In order only to be 
able to send his envoys to the confederates, he overcame 
his scruples, and made over to them the strongholds which 
he still held in the district they had occupied. 2 But when 
Trivulzio urgently warned them not to increase the power 
of their own friends, adding, " That he had been present 
when proposals had been made to his King, to make 
common cause with others, and to join in conquering their 
possessions," 3 he did not quite hit the mark. It was in 
no wise in the interest of Austria, but in their own, that 
they kept Maximilian Sforza at Milan, and this Prince 
was quite as dependent upon them, through their soldiers 
and their Cardinal, as he was upon the Emperor, through 
his councillors. Only a few in all, a son of Jurg uff der Flue, 
a son of Hetzel of Berne, and some captains from the 
Stein, gave the French envoys, Trivulzio and Tremouille, 
an audience on their passage through. 

Louis was obliged to cast about for another league and 
other infantry for his undertaking. 

1 Bullinger in Fuchs, 481. 

2 Anshelm, iv. 311 (note to new edition). 

3 Trivulzio to King Louis — Lucerne, 5th February, 1512 — in Rosmini, 
Trivulzio, ii. 209. Ibid. Sforza's letters to Stampa (note to new ed.). 
Anshelm, Berner Chronik., iv. 369. 

4 Gattinara to Margareth in Tremouille's letter; Lettres, iv. 99. 
Anshelm, iv. 409. 



358 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

This league he found in the Venetians. Both he and 
they had again the same enemy to face, viz., the Austro- 
Spanish House; on the 13th March, 1513, they allied 
themselves, the King promising to restore Cremona and 
G-hiara d'Adda. 1 Infantry, bidding the Emperor defiance, 
came through all parts of the empire, some from Bohemia, 2 
some from Suabia, the greater number from Lower Ger- 
many, and joined the French. The black troop under 
Thomas von Mittelburg, consisting of lansquenets, with 
great broadswords and armour, almost like knights, and 
were led by the young Fleuranges, who himself carried two 
standards, across the Meuse through Burgundy to Lyons ; 3 
other lansquenets were led by his brother, von Jamets. 
Their father, Robert von der Mark, who had inherited 
from his uncle "William the name of "Boar of the Ar- 
dennes " — he had invented for the infantry a fence of iron 
chains, to rest the arquebuses upon — himself led 100 
lancers. In May, the French army, 1,200 lancers and 
8,000 foot, began their march across the mountains ; on 
the 12th, it was received in Alessandria, and the G-uelphs 
were all astir in the whole country.* 

Now it lay in the nature of the interested parties, as 
well as in the situation, that neither the Spaniards, though 
with a strong army in the vicinity, and bound by various 
promises and obligations, bestirred themselves to protect 
the Duke, 5 nor that the Emperor ever sent the assistance he 
had promised. The 4,000 Swiss, who were in the country, 
retired from place to place. When thus the whole country 
rose up in the revolt — the French from the Castle of Milano 
again marched through the city as lords and masters — and 
the 4,000, with their Duke at their head, fled to No vara, 
the very city where Lodovico had been betrayed, all ap- 
peared to be at an end, and Trivulzio boasted that he had 
the Swiss like molten lead in a spoon. 

But, on this occasion, he boasted prematurely. The Swiss 

1 Dumont,iv. 1, 182. 

2 Kegensburger Chronik., iv. iii. 192, from the Emperor's letters. 

3 Fleuranges, Memoires, 110. 

4 Bellay, Memoires of Petrus Martyr, ep. 524. Morone in Eosmini, 
ii. 315. 

5 Contradictory correspondence in the Letters, iv. 118, sq. 



CH. IV.] STRUGGLE OF THE FRENCH AND SWISS. 359 

replied to his attempts to persuade them : " With arms 
should he try them, and not with words." They all fol- 
lowed in this matter the advice of Benedict von Wein- 
garten, a man, according to Anselm, 1 stout, upright, 
and wise, who, though he unwillingly took the command, 
led them bravely. The French attacks met with almost 
more contempt than resistance. The gates of JSTovara were 
left open, and the breach holes hung with sheets. 2 Whilst 
thus the Swiss, by this show of unanimous bravery, wiped 
out the shame of Novara, of fourteen years before, their 
confederates of the reserve crossed the mountains ; the 
greater portion, the Waldstadts and Berne, came over 
the St. G-othard and down by the Lake Maggiore, whilst 
the smaller contingent, the Zurichers and Churwalden, 
crossed the little Bernhardin, and descended to the Lake 
Conio. 3 A messenger soon arrived, asking, "Why they 
hurried ? there was no danger," a priest shortly afterwards 
made the announcement that, "The Duke and all the 
Swiss had been slain." 4 But they collected, and resolved 
to find their comrades, dead or alive. Both forces hastened ; 
the nearest road from the St. G-othard was chosen, and, 
on the 5 th July, the greater part of the force had arrived 
close to Novara. 5 

On the same day, the French raised the siege. On the 
road to Trecas, Trivulzio selected a rising knoll, called 
Biotta, which, owing to ditches and marshes, was well suited 
for defence ; they bivouacked here at night, mounted their 
guns, and intended the following morning to fix their iron 
palisade. Their good entrenchments emboldened them to 
await the coming of the 6,000 lansquenets, who, with 500 
fresh lances, were already in the Susa valley. 6 

As soon as the Swiss appear in the field, their whole 
thought is battle. They have neither generals nor plans, 
nor yet any carefully considered strategy ; the god of their 

1 Anshelm, Berner Chronik., iv. 385 (note to new ed.). 

2 Stettler and Anselm in Glutz., 323. Jovius, Historiarum sui tem- 
poris, i. 93. 

3 Stettler, Bullinger in Glutz., 315. 

4 Anshelm, iv. 383 (note to new ed.). 

5 Benedictus Jovius, Hist. Novocom., p. 66. 

6 Bouchet, Vie et gestes du cheval de la Tremouille, 184, and 
Trivulzio's Defence by Eosmini,i. 570. 



360 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

fathers and St. Urs, their strong arm and the halberd are 
enough for them, and their bravery shows them the way. 
Those who had arrived at ISTovara on the 6th June, refreshed 
themselves with a draught, an hour's sleep and another 
draught, and then, without waiting for the Zurichers, 
they all, both those who had been there and the fresh 
arrivals, rushed in disorder, like a swarm of bees flying from 
the hive into the summer sun, as Anselm describes it, 1 
through the gates and the breaches into the open. They 
were almost without guns, entirely without cavalry, and 
many were without armour ; but, all the same, they rushed 
on the enemy, well entrenched as he was behind good artil- 
lery, and upon those knights, " without fear and blame," in 
full cuirass. 

They stood face to face with the enemy ; the first rays of 
the rising sun flashed from their breastplates ; they seemed 
to them like a hill of gleaming steel. 

They first attacked the lances and cannon of Robert von 
der Mark. Here were engaged the smaller body, in whose 
front ranks stood with their spears the bravest heroes, two 
Diesbachs, Aerni Winkelried, and Mklaus Conrad, all dis- 
tinguished for their ancestry or the nobility of virtue; 2 
the greater body, almost more by instinct than intention, 
made in the midst of the smoke and the first effect of the 
hostile artillery, a detour round a copse ; 3 it sought and 
found the lansquenets. As these latter were reinforced 
by artillery, the Swiss again separated. Some fought 
against the black flags ; 4 the greater part, however, threw 
themselves upon the guns. Thus they fought in three 
distinct places ; the first against the knights, who often broke 
up their own ranks and appeared behind their flags ; but 
they always rallied, and threw back their assailants. The 
next, 400 men, wielding the halberd in both hands, fought 
against a company of Meuranges' black flags, dealing- 
blow for blow, and thrust for thrust ; whilst the third and 
greatest body were engaged with the lansquenets, who, 
besides cannon, had 800 arquebuses ; but soon the rain of 

1 Anshelm, iv. 384 (note to new ed.). 

2 Nicolaus Konrad Hauptmann, Letter to his bailiff; ibid. 549. 

3 Captains of Solothurn home ; ibid. 546. 

4 Fleuranges, Memoires, 130, sq. 



CH. IV.] STRUGGLE OF THE FRENCH AND SWISS. 361 

bullets ceased ; only the clash of swords and the crash of 
pikes was andible. At length the flags of the lansquenets 
sank ; their leaders were buried under a heap of slain ; 
their cannon were lost, and employed against them. 1 
Meanwhile the Blacks also gave way. Eobert von der 
Mark looked about him ; he saw his foot soldiery and his 
sons lost; in order to save these, he also retreated. He 
found them among the dead, among the victors, bleeding 
still from wounds, and rescued them. 2 In vain did Trivulzio 
appeal to St. Catherine and St. Mark ; he, too, as well as 
Tremouille, who was wounded, was forced to retire. 3 The 
Swiss gave no quarter to the fugitives whom they over- 
took ; they then returned, ordered their ranks for prayer, 
and knelt down to give thanks to God and their saints. 
Thev next set about dividing the spoil and burying the 
dead. 4 

It was the second hour in the morning, when the tidings 
of the issue of the battle reached Milan. The French, 
who, in anticipation of victory, had left the castle, imme- 
diately fled ; some back thither, others to the churches 
and their friend's palaces ; the Ghibelline faction at once rose, 
and city and country returned to their allegiance to Maxi- 
milian Sforza. The Swiss undertook to chastise those who 
had revolted. They compelled the Astesans who had left 
their houses to pay 100,000 ducats, Savoy, which had gone 
over to the enemy, 50,000, and Montferrat, which had in- 
sulted their ambassador, 100,000. This event enabled the 
Spaniards to hold their heads high. In Genoa, they restored 
the Fregosi, who had been expelled for twenty-one days, 
and Ottaviano among them ; they reconquered Bergamo, 
Brescia, and Peschiera, which also had revolted. 5 

After this victory, the Swiss enjoyed far greater power in 
Milan than ever before. " What you have restored by your 
blood and your strength," wrote Maximilian Sforza, " shall 
belong for the future as much to you as to me," and these 

1 The forogoing and Paul us Jovius, Historic, s. t. i. 97. Carpesanus, 
1291. 

2 Bellay, Memoires, 4. Guicciardini, xi, 45. 

3 Rosmini, from Prato MS., and from " Un rozzo poema," i. 474. 

4 Anshelm, iv. 385 (note to new ed.). 

5 Stettler, Jovii Historic, 93. Vita Pescarse, 285. Passero, 197, in 
detail. 



362 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

were not empty words. The Swiss perceived that they were 
strong enough to attempt other achievements. " If we 
could only reckon upon obedience in our men," they were 
heard to say, "we would march through the whole of 
France, long and broad as it is." * 



A General War Movement. 

Two great combinations confronted each other : the Em- 
peror, the Pope, Spain, England and Switzerland on the one 
side, and France, Venice, and Scotland on the other. The 
first group seemed to have in view an immediate attack 
upon France. Affairs in France, under Louis XII., deve- 
loped in a similar way as under Charles VIII. The com- 
mencement, in both cases, rapid conquest ; the turning 
point, a quarrel with the Pope ; then a League ; the final 
result, a loss of the conquests, and a jeopardising of the 
French position itself. 

But as, on this occasion, all the factors were greater, the 
French exertions stronger, the Pope's enmity more violent 
and the achievements of the League in Italy more brilliant, 
it followed that the attack upon France, which at present 
was more supported by Maximilian's guidance than by 
his actual forces, was proportionately important and 
dangerous. 

Julius, who on the 3rd of December, 1512, in his 
Council of 120 fathers, had pronounced the interdict 
against France, had prepared him for the coming storm. 
Ferdinand advised the taking of Burgundy, Normandy, 
and G-uyenne from the French ; 2 Maximilian and Henry 
VIII. also urged this course, as they had long-standing 
claims to these lands ; the Swiss also agreed, in the hope 
of establishing their duke in Milan. The new Pope Leo 
was on account of the still prevailing schism obliged to 
cleave to the way of his predecessor. As a fact, in April, 
1513, a general attack upon France from all four sides, 

1 Sforza's letter of 6th June in Glutz, appendix, 545. May in Glutz, 
329. 

2 Paris de Gr. in Eainald. 126. Zurita, ii. 333. 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 363 

the English, German, Italian, and Spanish, was determined 
upon in a formal alliance. 1 

Bat this scheme was not capable of being carried out on 
this scale, as the Venetians continued to side with the 
French, so that the arms of the league had also to be 
turned against them, added to which, Ferdinand never 
would have war on his frontier. Pursuing his tactics of 
1497 and 1503, he concluded an unexpected truce for his 
frontier territory. 2 It thus came about, that the Spanish 
and Italian attack, that is Ferdinand's and Leo's armies, 
turned against Venice, whilst the attack upon France could 
only be left to the Swiss, who acted for the Germans, and 
to the English. Herein Maximilian showed himself once 
more very energetic and influential. He himself had, it is 
true, placed no large army in the field, but he had his hand 
in all the operations and was not slow to display his quali- 
ties of generalship. 

On the 1st of August, 1513, the Spanish under Cardona, 
and 200 heavy and 2,000 light cavalry of the Pope, under 
Prospero Colonna, were arrayed before Padua against the 
Venetians. But the greatest strength of this force pro- 
bably consisted in the Suabian and Tyrolese company, 
which the Emperor had sent them, under the command 
of the Count von Lupfen, and the captains, Frundsberg, 
Eogendorf , Landau, and Lichstenstein, who had been tried 
and proved in this war. 3 

On the same 1st of August, the Swiss promised him to 
make an attack upon Burgundy. In the Confederation, an 
extensive revolt of the peasants against the cities had just 
completely ruined the French party, and had even forced 
the Bernese to depose three new and two old magistrates, 
who were suspected of French leanings. This made the 
Emperor all the more certain of them ; he promised them 
assistance, without which they could not undertake the 
expedition, artillery, horse and some money. 4 

At the beginning of August, the King of England joined 

1 Appunctuamentum of otli April in Rj-mer, Foedera, vi. i. 92. 

2 Zurita, ii. 352. Jacob de Banmssis, Lettres, iv. 114. 

3 Jean le Veau, Lettres, iv. 200. Ehrenspiegel, 1303. Reisner, 
Kriegsthaten, 16. 

4 Glntz., 332-340. From the Abschied of 1st of August, p. 343. 



364 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [bI. II. 

his army, which, since the 22nd of July, had been engaged 
in besieging Teronanne. This was, beyond donbt, the 
most important operation ; it drew the attention of all eyes 
to it. The English were still quite the same in character 
as ever, not celebrating St. Martin's day because he was 
the patron saint of their enemies, calling the painted man, 
used for a mark at their bow-practice, " the Frenchman," 
and saying to their children : " hit the Frenchman in the 
heart ; " x they had gladly offered themselves to the comites 
and vice- comites of their counties, both within and with- 
out their respective liberties, for selection for military 
service ; they were mainly armed with bows and crossbows, 
leaden clubs and halberds ; they arranged their march so that 
they could always barricade themselves at once behind their 
waggons, for they only cared to fight behind a strong 
position. Their King came with them, a true Lancaster 
that he was. Before setting out, almost in imitation of 
Henry V., he caused the last York who was in his power, 
Edmund Suffolk, to be put to death. He then took with 
him Charles Brandon, son of that Brandon who had 
carried the standard of Henry VII. in the battle of Bos- 
worth Field, once the playmate and companion of his 
youth, a short time since created Viscount Lisle. In his suite 
were also Charles Somerset, all of whose ancestors had 
lived and died for the house of Lancaster, George Talbot, 
of the blood of the last hero in the struggle of the Lan- 
casters against France, and many others whose names are 
connected with the same events. 2 The fame of his gene- 
rosity, for exercising which his father's wealth furnished 
him the means, allured the knights and soldiery of Bra- 
bant, Hennegau, and Flanders, and even far into G-ermany, 
so much to him, that many sold all they possessed in order, 
well accoutred and equipped, to earn greater pay under 
him. He had splendid cannon, and amongst them pro- 
bably those twelve large pieces of ordnance, called the twelve 
apostles, cast for him in the Netherlands. 3 

1 Herbert, Life of Henry, 32. Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Frede- 
rici Palatini, 33. 

2 Martin du Bellay, Memoires, 6. Goodwinus, p. 1G. Herbert, 
p. 33. 

3 Marguerite a Henry, in December, 1513, in the Lettres, iv. 217. 
Hubert Leodius, iii. 1. 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 365 

And in order to inspire as much confidence as the Swiss 
and the Spanish forces did, his army needed nothing further 
than an experienced general. Henry VIII. , on begging 
the Emperor to lend him, for this purpose, the Duke Hein- 
rich, the warrior of Brunswick, or the Marshal Vergy, the 
Emperor himself offered to lead the army of his friend. 1 
He hoped with it to gain in open battle the bank of the 
Somme and, with the assistance of the Swiss, Burgundy, 
whereupon the two princes would unite and visit the French 
with a campaign, which would be as disastrous for them 
as ever an English war had been. On the 9th of August, 
he met the king near Aire. He himself wore Henry's red 
cross and the union rose ; he was not annoyed that his 
two hundred horse, whose whole adornment lay in their 
golden chains, appeared insignificant in comparison with 
the brilliant accoutrements of the Royals, or that his 
servants stooped down to pick up the silver bells, which 
Henry's noble pages let purposely fall from their horses' 
trappings ; he accepted from the king a tent, gorgeously 
fitted up inside with silk hangings, gilded trellis work and 
golden vessels, and, if Bellay is to be trusted, 100 escus a 
day for his table, and came into his camp. 2 

Thirty-four years before, Maximilian had besieged the 
same town, and, on that occasion, gained his most bril- 
liant victory over the French, who had come across the 
Lis to relieve it. Mindful of this former success — for 
on this occasion, also, Terouanne was only being besieged 
from one side — after having reconnoitred the camp and 
the walls with his master of the ordnance, he threw five 
bridges across the river. His luck would have it, that on 
the very same day that they crossed (17th August), the 
enemy, about eight thousand strong, made his appearance 
before him on the heights of G-uinegat, descended, halted 
at the foot of the hill, and sent out light troops with 
provisions for the town. A simultaneous attack was 
planned by both the besieged and their friends outside upon 
both parts of the English camp. Thereupon Maximilian, 
sending his infantry to a brook in the rear of the enemy's 

1 Letters of Maximilian, first in June, iv. 157, and frequently. 

2 Paul Armestorf to Margreth in the Lettres, iv. 192. Ehrenspiegel, 
1297 so. Goodwin, 20. Herbert, 35. 



366 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BE. II. 

camp, threw himself with 2,000 horse upon the advancing 
squadrons. These forthwith galloped back to their camp. 1 
Here — it was four o'clock in the afternoon, and the knights 
had been in the saddle since two in the morning — many 
had exchanged their chargers for lighter horses, had 
thrown off their helmets, and were refreshing themselves 
with a draught. All at once, a general confusion and 
stampede ensued ; the fugitives, coming from the one side, 
brought the news that "the enemy was at their heels," 
and dashed wildly on without stopping, and from the 
other side, came the tidings that the enemy's infantry was 
falling upon their rear. In vain the shout was raised of 
"Turn about, Hommes d'Armes!" Maximilian's flying 
artillery swept them before it ; and this day was known 
hereafter by the name of the battle of the Spurs. And 
when at last, the bravest of them rallied on the bridge over 
the brook we have referred to, it was only to their destruc- 
tion ; the Burgundian cavalry found another way across the 
brook and cut them off. They were all obliged to sur- 
render, one here and another there ; La Palice, the Duke of 
Longueville, and a hundred others, all the flower of the 
army. Bayard, perceiving one of the enemy's knights all 
alone and careless, for the victory was theirs, rushed 
upon him sword in hand and cried, " Surrender to me, or 
thou art a dead man." The knight was wounded and sur- 
rendered himself. " But who art thou ? " he asked. " I 
am Bayard, and surrender myself to thee again." Both 
the other attacks were likewise repulsed, and on the 22nd 
of August the town surrendered. 2 

At the same time — the 27th of August — the Swiss, 
about 30,000 men strong, united with the horse of Wur- 
t ember g and Burgundy under Duke Ulrich and Vergy; 
they received the Emperor's siege guns from Landau, his 

1 Baptiste de Taxis in the Lettres, iv. 195. Polydorus, 27, 24. 
Herbert, Weiskunig, 303. 

2 Bellay, Memoires, 6. Bayard, 345-350. Fleuranges, p. 145. Em- 
bellished in Jovius, 100. Heuterus, Birken. (Note to 2nd Ed.) A 
letter of an eye-witness in Brewer shows us the characteristic trait of 
Maximilian, that, though entreated to do so, he did not unfurl his stan- 
dard, but declared his intention of fighting under the standard of St. 
George and the King of England. Thus the English ascribe the victory 
to their King. (Brewer, i. No. 4431.) 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 367 

mortars from Breisach, his field cannon from Ensisheim, 
and a hundred arquebuses. Their captain had only power 
to make peace, in the event that the King would renounce 
all rights to Milan. On their march, they heard the news 
of the Emperor's victory. With all the greater courage they 
crossed the French frontier. 1 

This double attack could not but throw the French into 
great anxiety. Even before the English had arrived, 
Louis had found himself obliged to confess to the Court of 
Parliament that his pecuniary needs were so pressing, and 
his finances so much in arrear, that he must sell his 
demesnes to raise 400,000 livres, in. order, without over- 
burdening his poor people, to resist the old enemies of his 
realm. 2 After the battle of G-uinegat, he despatched his mar- 
shal to Paris in order to review the tradesmen and artizans. 
Once more, after a long pause, the banners of the trades 
unions were seen flying in the streets of the capital, and the 
same was probably the case in many other cities. The arrival 
of the Swiss horror-struck every soul. A murmur of despon- 
dency went through the whole nation ; " the retribution for 
their misdeeds in Italy was now about to break over their 
heads." 3 In this crisis, France looked with a certain con- 
fidence to its old alliance with the Scotch. 

It was the lot of King James IV., who once had been 
desirous of negotiating peace between the Pope and Louis, 
with a view of an expedition to Jerusalem, to be drawn 
into the whirlpool of this war. After a long peace, diffe- 
rences again arose with England, which threatened to end 
in a fresh breach. One of the chief disputes affected 
Andrew Barton. Barton was a bold pirate, who had also 
served King John of Denmark, James' nearest friend, 
against the Hanseatic League. 4 James had delivered to 
him letters of marque against the Portuguese, who had 
killed Barton's father ; but he — as the Portuguese, English, 
and the Hanseatic League appear to have been united in a 

1 Solothum and Zurich, captains, in Glutz., 345. Stettler. 
8 Gamier from the Parliamentary Records, MS. from Fontanicu, 
p. 470. 

3 Monstrelet, App. 246. Gilles. 124. 

4 Anonymi chronologia rerum Danicarum in Ludewig Reliq. MSS. 
ix. 52. 



368 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

long-standing maritime alliance — employed them against 
the English also ; for this he was sought for by the latter, 
and, in spite of a resistance, which has been immortalized 
even by his enemies in a long ballad, was at length 
killed. 1 James was still smarting from indignation at this, 
when he was implored by Queen Anna of France, his 
" lady " of chivalry, to come to her assistance : " for Henry's 
crossing to Calais threatened both her and Brittany.''" The 
King assembled his barons, in whom their many tourna- 
ments had awakened thirst for a real fray, and who were 
not a little influenced by the entreaties of the French am- 
bassador, who, moreover, offered them 50,000 livres for 
their equipment. Having arranged matters with his nobles, 
James sent his herald, Lyon, to Terouanne to summon his 
neighbour to return, and when this had no effect — Henry 
reminded him of the fate of Navarre — he equipped him- 
self in Edinburgh with 50,000 men. 2 The complicated 
situation became thus more complicated. From such a 
vigorous attack there could not but be expected some de- 
gree of success in England, which would oblige Henry to 
return to his realm. It would then be possible for the 
French, perhaps by an attack upon Italy, to compel the 
Swiss to retire, and at the same time to encourage the 
Venetians. 

As soon as James crossed the Tweed, the shout of battle 
rang from village to village, and from town to town. 
Henry, who, in order to be more certain of the loyalty of 
his frontier provinces, had not compelled them to pay his 
benevolence, had entrusted them to the keeping of the 
Earl of Surrey, a scion of the famous house of the Howards. 
Round him the nobles gathered at Alnwick ; his son, an 
admiral of the kingdom, landed in Newcastle with 5,000 
men ; the northern and southern shires all sent their 
contingents. James rested six days in Norham, and 
dallied for a while with Lady Ford ; he was delighted 
to see the enemy assembling ; for it was for battle that he 
had come : " he would fight," he said, " even though 
100,000 English were arrayed against him." Thus minded, 
he entrenched himself upon the hill of Flodden, situated 

1 Goodwinus, Annates, p. 11. 

2 Buchananus, Kerum Scoticarum, 1. xiii. p. 172 sq. Herbert. 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 369 

between the river Till, where it flows at the foot of the 
Cheviots between high banks, and a swamp. 

No less enthusiastic for the fray were the English ; on 
Sunday, the 4th of September, they sent their herald 
Eougecroix up to the King, asking, "whether it was his 
intention to remain so long in England that they could 
fight on the ensuing Friday ? " The King replied : " Were 
I in Edinburgh, I would haste to be there by that day." 
But was it likely that the English would attack him be- 
hind his entrenchments ? In vain they begged of him to 
come down upon the plain of Milfield, which lay between 
them. 1 But when he saw that, following a report which 
had been spread, they made a detour, as though to 
invade Scotland — it was the 9th of September, and a 
Friday — he actually broke up his camp, burnt his tents, 
and, under cover of the smoke, marched, in order to 
anticipate them, along the heights, to a hill called 
Piperd. Here he halted. Towards the same place, through 
the low ground, came the English, and here the battle 
began. 

Thomas Howard, who had killed Andrew Barton, stood, 
in order to answer for his conduct, as he said, in the very first 
line, and fought magnificently. Like valiantly, in another 
part, did James fight in the front ranks, and repeatedly 
threw back the enemy's standards. Now the one side, and 
now again the other, retired. But at last, owing to the 
English arrows hitting better up the hill than the Scotch 
guns did down, for they fired too high, the Scotch 
abandoned the offensive, and formed a square for de- 
fence ; their king was here also to be seen fighting 
heroically. Whilst they were still fighting, and the flower 
of both armies falling, the night supervened. In this 
night, the Scotch sought their king, and found him not. 
Had he fallen, had he fled, or was he a prisoner ? They 
retreated. The English, on visiting the battle-field the 
following morning, saw the guns abandoned, and knew 
that they were victorious. They found a dead body in 
royal dress, and brought it in triumph to Berwick. The 
Scotch maintained that, " it was Elphinstone, who on that 

1 Expostulations of the Earls, and r nswer in very words, in Her- 
bert, 39. 

B B 



370 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

day had worn royal apparel, in order to deceive the English ; 
their king had been seen across the Tweed." But they 
themselves could not show him anywhere. Some said : 
" Alexander Hume, whose company alone remained almost 
intact, and who thereafter insulted both churches and 
monasteries, must have killed him ; " others, again, " that 
he had gone to Jerusalem to do penance for his sins ; " 
the English accounts merely mention that King James IY. 
died in defending his banner. 1 The issue of this conflict 
upon the British isles was even more important than the 
events on the Continent. Henry VIII., whilst fighting 
against France, became master of Scotland. 

Besides 8,000 others, twelve earls and seventeen barons 
fell in the battle. Margaret, Henry VIII. 's sister, had 
undertaken the government of the realm. The French, 
who could no longer avail themselves of the Scotch aid, 
had to fear the worst from the English and Swiss. On 
that fatal 9th of September, 30,000 Swiss crossed the 
Tille, which falls into the Saone, and formed three camps 
before the walls of Dijon. The fourth was formed by the 
Emperor's cavalry and artillery. On the self- same day, both 
Emperor and King were still at Terouanne, and were 
capable of making an inroad any day into French 
territory. 

But on this occasion, France was not doomed to fresh 
devastation, and was saved. If it be asked how it came 
about, we may answer, that the turning point was their 
temporary yielding to the Swiss. Tremouille, on seeing 
his citadel at Dijon wrecked by bombardment, France un- 
defended, and the Swiss ready for further operations, at- 
tempted to make arrangements with them, first through an 
agent, then by appearing in person, and finally through 
confidential persons, who went in and out of the camp at 
dusk. 2 To save France, he thought it to be the best policy 
to give up Milan. On the 13th of September, he had ar- 
ranged terms of peace with them, according to which the 

1 Buchananus, Rerum Scoticarum, vol. xiii. p. 251-255. Goodwinus, 
p. 29. Especially Herbert. Polydorus, xxvii. p. 28. Jovius, Historiae 
sui teraporis, i. 102-106 (note to new ed.). RuthaPs English report to 
Wolsey : " The King fell near his banner," Brewer, i. 4461. 

2 Anshelm, iv. 470. (Note to new ed.) 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 371 

King renounced his claims to Milan, Asti, and Cremona, 
paying the Swiss, moreover, 400,000 escns. 1 This is what 
they desired. 2 What did the conquest of Burgundy for 
the house of Austria interest them ; besides, they had never 
bound themselves to assist in such conquest ? Only 
it was a great mistake on their part to return home, 
without obtaining any security, or the King's word, for 
their peace. Meanwhile, the English also resolved to 
turn back within sight of the French frontier, which 
they were actually threatening, their object being to reduce 
a semi-free city, which lay at a distance from the sea. 
It is not very credible that this was done with the advice 
of Maximilian, who was especially interested in invading 
France, and we find, as a matter of fact, that immediately 
after this occurrence, he separated himself from Henry 
in a sort of quarrel. 3 Perhaps the latter was influenced 
by the example of Edward III., who had besieged this city 
at the beginning of his French campaigns ; but the chief 
point, beyond all doubt, was, that he conceived this to be 
the easiest and most permanent conquest. For he had 
razed Terouanne to the ground, in answer to the entreaties 
of the Council of Flanders. 

Suffice it to say, that, on the 15th — and it is impossible 
to know how far this is connected with the Swiss retreat — 
he made his appearance before the walls of Tournay, and, 
on the 23rd, he entered the city in his assumed quality of 
King of France. 4 This city of Tournay, which really be- 
longed to the province of Flanders, had relations to the 
Crown of France similar to those subsisting between the 
German free cities and the Emperor. Henry likewise 
confirmed its liberties ; but he did *not suffer these 
liberties to prevent his building a castle there. And here 
his campaign ended. In his delight, that though he had 
not destroyed France, he had yet succeeded in his attack 

1 Bouchet, la Tremouille, 191-199. Ehrenspiegel, 1301. Especially 
Stettler (note to new ed. ). Anshelm, iv. 471. In Glutz., p. 549, there 
is an extract from the document, which is preserved in the archives at 
Zurich. 

2 Jean le Veau, Lettres, iv. 192. 

3 Herbert, 36. 

4 (Note to new ed.) In Brewer, p. 676, de l'entree du roi Henri 
•comme roi de France et d'Angleterre. 



372 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [iJK. II. 

upon her, and in taking two strongholds, he was amusing 
himself at Margaret's Court at Lille, or in his royal camp 
at Tournay with tournaments, 1 when the tidings reached 
him of the Venetian operations, operations to which we 
must turn our eyes ; for the event, though a single one, 
was accomplished in various places. 

In August, Cardona had left the walls of Padua behind 
him, resolved to compel the Venetians to accept his prof- 
fered peace. The Germans, Italians, and Spanish with 
him, had penetrated into Venetian territory beyond Bachig- 
lione and Brenta as far as Mestre, in order, as they said, 
to see what the Venetians had reaped. The country people 
once more fled to the marshes by the sea ; the inhabitants 
of Padua and Venice could plainly see the fine country 
houses on the shore one after the other in flames. Car- 
dona rode up to the tower of Marghera, whence the streets 
and quarters of Venice were clearly discernible. Prom 
here George Prundsberg could not restrain himself from 
discharging a piece of ordnance against the city itself. 2 

To this pitch matters were allowed to come, before 
Alviano received permission to march out. What the 
allies had formerly desired, now that they had advanced so 
far, and were surrounded by rivers and difficult passes, 
turned out to be a source of no little peril to them. The 
discovery of a ford enabled them to escape across the 
Brenta ; but, on the Bachiglione, when Alviano was posted 
in the pass of Olmo before them, Manfrone stationed in 
their rear on the road by which they had come, and when the 
peasants with their muskets crowned the heights on both 
sides of the defile, whilst they through the whole night had 
to shelter themselves behind the trunks of trees, they ap- 
peared to be lost, spoils and all. Alviano said that : " he 
had the remainder of the barbarian brutes between his 
scissors, and needed only now to close them." The next 
morning, the Imperials having retired a short distance to 
an open plain near Creazzo, he sent his flying artillery to 
the front, and made after them. An action took place. 
The Spaniards fought with desperate valour; Pescara 

1 Lodov. Guicciardini. Descriptio Belgii. Herbert. 

2 Specially Ehrenspiegel, 1304, and Carpesanus, 1293, Mocenicus, v. 
110. Passero, 202. Eeisner. 



CH. IV,] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 373 

cried to his men : " If I die, let me not be trampled upon by 
the enemy," and led them, all athirst for the fray, against 
the enemy's centre. The G-ermans were protected by the 
strength of their arms : Frundsberg, who was in the 
front line, plied his sword right vigorously, and, taking 
breath like a woodman in a forest felling an oak, struck 
again and again. All fought in the certainty that they 
must either conquer, or die covered with disgrace; the 
Papal horse took Alviano's banner ; the Venetian army was 
completely routed, and those who but just before thought 
themselves as good as lost, became all at once masters of 
the land. 1 

Such was the result of the attack upon Venice. This 
took place on the 7th October, 1513. About the same 
time, the Emperor, with Frangipani's help — more by 
treason than force of arms — contrived to effect the con- 
quest of Marano, a Venetian city with a splendid com- 
mercial situation. Everywhere the League was in ad- 
vantage. Three battles had been won, the Scotch nobility 
in great measure annihilated, and Venice so far humbled 
as to be compelled to accept the Pope, only just before 
its deadly enemy, as arbiter of its fortune; Milan, by a 
fourth great battle, and a peace, which only needed 
ratification, as well as by the actual occupation of the 
remaining strongholds, had been wrested from the French. 
Yet France as yet had only been attacked on her frontiers, 
and was not yet vanquished in the interior. To this end 
the next campaign was destined to lead. On the 17th 
October, 1513, it was agreed at Lille to begin the campaign 
of the ensuing year with three attacks upon France ; from 
the G-erman, English, and Spanish side, simultaneously.' 2 

1 Jovius, Historic, 111-114. Vita Pescarse, 287. Paruta, 47-56. 
Guicciardini, ii. p. bo. Zurita, ii. 372. 

2 Herbert, 41 (note to new ed.). In Brewer, i. 4511, is to be found 
another extract from this compact, which display's some deviations, but 
which is yet even incomplete. According to it, Ferdinand pledged him- 
self in express terms to surrender Guyenne to Heni-y VIII. " He shall 
give up his conquests to England." Moreover, both fleets were to be at 
sea before April : " Each power to send a fleet to sea before the end of 
April." No mention is therein made of the agreement, which we hear 
of in Margaret's letter. The records prove that the arrangement with 
Maximilian had been already concluded on the 16th of October ; on the 



374 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Henry promised to procure from his parliament the as- 
surance that, in the event of his dying without issue, the 
crown of England should pass to the Archduke Charles 
of Austria, who in the ensuing May was to wed his sister 
Maria. 1 



8. Further schemes to ensure the enhancement of the 
Austro- Spanish House. 

In this perilous crisis, Louis XII. also felt himself obliged 
to approach the victor. He would not forego his claims to 
Milan, but he mooted another plan, which would be advan- 
tageous to the House of Austria. 

One month after the treaty of Lille, on the 16th Novem- 
ber, 1513, Louis XII. declared before lawyers that, " He did 
give and make over the Duchy of Milan to his younger 
daughter Renata, without revocation, without any excep- 
tion." 2 It was soon seen what his object was in doing so. 
On the 1st December, he concluded a treaty with Ferdi- 
nand : " the same Eenata should be married to one of Fer- 
dinand's grandsons, who should then receive Milan, which 
should be taken from the Swiss." Ferdinand hoped by this 
marriage to unite the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Milan, 
as he had once, in Naples, succeeded in doing with the Anjous 
and Aragons. 3 In deep secrecy he despatched an envoy 
to Milan, to represent to the Duke Sforza how badly he 
was situated under the power of the Swiss, and, if possible, 
to detach him from their alliance. 4 

Anna of Bretagne, the old friend of the House of Austria, 
desiring to see her younger daughter well married, was the 
prime negotiator of these terms of alliance. When, on the 

15th November it was confirmed by the Emperor. By it the Emperor also 
pledged himself to join in the attack upon France, for which purpose he 
promised to keep a certain number of troops in reserve in Artois and 
Hennegau. The marriage of Charles and Maria is therein mentioned 
with the greatest certainty. (Brewer, i. No. 4560). Some particulars 
have been modified thereby, but the main points remain the same. 

1 Margaret to Henry VIII. Lettres, iv. 239. 

2 Donatio de ducatu Mediolani, etc., in Dumont, iv. 1, 177. 

3 Treaty of Blois, in Dumont, 178. 

4 Fragment d'une lettre, in the Lettres de Louis, iv. 250. 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 375 

2nd January, 1514, she died, one might have supposed that 
this incipient union would dissolve and disappear. But, 
on the contrary, this very occurrence gave it fresh life. 
For, as Louis still wished to have an heir of his body, he 
did not reject the proposal that he should take to wife 
Eleanor, the eldest of Ferdinand's grandchildren, and 
should enter into an hereditary league with the Austro- 
Spanish House. This done, Navarre also should remain 
to Castile. Fray Bernaldo de Trinopoli, a Dominican, 
remained behind for the negotiations, which lasted a con- 
siderable time. 1 Quintana, Almazan's confidant, was seen 
in February, 1514, to journey from Burgos to Blois, and 
from Blois to Innsbruck ; on the 11th of March, he was for 
a long time closeted with King Louis ; on the 12th, the 
King's council assembled once again, and finally, on the 
13th, new treaties were signed. But the Great League 
had not as yet been arranged, but only a truce, to which, 
however, as Quintana assured, the Emperor, in Henry's 
name as well as his own, was a party, and in which, 
although Sforza was no party to it, Louis promised not to 
attack Milan. 2 

This truce was destined to lead to the grand alliance, 
and to universal peace. It can readily be perceived that 
this was in no wise in harmony with the compact of 
Lille, not merely, in that the war, then resolved on, lost its 
whole raison d'etre, but, also, in that the prospective mar- 
riage of Charles with the English princess became very 
doubtful ; for it was the interest of the House of Austria 
that the other of Maximilian's grandsons should be kept 
for the matrimonial alliance with Hungary, which, as the 
heir to the throne was a weakling, had every prospect of 
continuing the succession. But, on that account, no hosti- 
lity was feared from Henry, who had moreover taken no 
steps, as yet, to obtain the sanction of his parliament : " he 
was Ferdinand's son-in-law ; Maximilian, too, who had 
come into his camp, had shown him the greatest confidence 
that one man could show another. He would, accordingly, 
accept the truce, if he only did not hear of it too soon." 

1 Zurita, ii. 383. 

2 Treaty in Duraont, 179. Gattinara and Veau. Letters in the 
Lettres of March, iv. 289, 292, sq. 



376 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

With the greatest secrecy then — the Spanish ambassador 
insisted that not even the King's daughter should be in- 
formed of it — the grand league was at length to be estab- 
lished. 1 In a contemporaneous French manuscript, the 
original draft of the league has been found : " Eleanor to 
marry Louis ; Benata, the second grandson of the Emperor ; 
Milan and Genoa to be delivered over into Ferdinand's 
hands, in favour of the two above-named; Louis to lay 
claim neither to Naples nor yet to the money he was to re- 
ceive thence, and not to support Navarre ; the Swiss to be 
jointly driven back within their borders. In return for 
this Tournay to be restored to France." 2 It almost looks 
as though Ferdinand, among other things, was bent upon 
preventing a new Philip rising up in the person of Charles. 
In any case, all this was admirably arranged for the en- 
hancement of his house : on the 12th of August, he sent 
to Bernaldo de Trinopoli the authorization to arrange 
these marriages and to conclude this league. 

In these days, the prestige of the Austro- Spanish house 
in Italy, Germany, and the whole of Europe, was greater 
than it had ever been. In May, 1514, Ferdinand concluded 
with Genoa a league, which has been the basis of all the 
later relations between the Genoese and the Kings of Spain, 
being almost those of vassal and suzerain. 3 They already 
began to anticipate how frightened Max Sforza would be, 
and how, under the pressure of his officials, who were quite 
devoted to the Emperor, he would surrender his citadels and 
his peoples in favour of the latter' s grandson. The Swiss 
could be compensated with money. 4 Venice, that could not 
even retake Marano, was not a little weakened by a fresh 
disaster ; 5 a conflagration, breaking out in the linen ware- 
houses on the Eialto, spread on both sides the canal, 
and in one day and night destroyed property to the value 
of two millions. Leo was in alliance with this house ; 
Naples was completely subservient. Thus much for Italy. 
In Switzerland, the people had ever risen afresh against the 

1 Gattinara to Marguerite, Lettres de Louis IV., 369, 371. 

2 Gamier, from the MSS. ofBethune, p. 509. 

3 Senarega, at end. Zurita, ii. 379. 

4 Francesco Vettori, in Macchiavelli, lettere famigl., p. 16. 

5 Guicciardini, ii. 69. Jovius, Historise, 115. Paruta, 45. 



CH. IV.] A GENERAL WAR MOVEMENT. 377 

French faction, so that it appeared as if a King of France 
would never again be able to avail himself of their services. 
In Lucerne, six suspects were committed to prison, and 
two, who were found guilty, put to death. The country 
people of Baden seized the old Caspar Hetel, whose son 
had gone over to the French, and, paying no heed to the 
fact that his son had acted against his wishes, tortured and 
beheaded him. 1 " Hans Rudolf," the mother wrote to her 
son, " thou hast not acted as an honourable man, thou 
hast put thy father to death: never shalt thou again 
address thy mother : I will never own thee more as my 
son." 2 This conflict penetrated into the inmost secrets of 
filial love and affection ; it redounded to the advantage of 
Spain and Austria over France ; in the next following 
Swiss diets, there was no one to be found who would speak 
French. In G-ermany, the election of a bishop, even where 
the chapter was unfavourable to the candidate, 3 only cost 
the Emperor a word. For instance, a second Albrecht of 
the house of Brandenburg, that had always been devoted 
to the Austrian house, and from which, but shortly before 
this, another Albrecht had been appointed from the imperial 
camp in Padua to the office of Grandmaster in Prussia, 
received the Archbishoprics of Magdeburg and Mayence. 
A great tumult in Wurtemberg ended in the Estates advising 
their Duke to live rather at the Emperor's Court, or at all 
events, never to sever himself from Austria. 4 In Regens- 
burg, that had long resisted an imperial administrator, 
there arrived at the commencement of the year 1514, Wolf 
von Wolfstall and the other Imperial Commissioners. 
Many of their opponents, " famous masters in their respec- 
tive arts, old, honourable men with white hair," as the 
chronicles say, paid the penalty with their lives. Others 
were expelled and their wives sent after them. The Im- 
perial Commissioners appointed a new council and made a 
new constitution at their discretion. 5 They boasted that 
the Emperor had, in the previous year, made a similar 

1 Letter of the father to the son, in Anshelm, iv. 410 (note to new ed.). 

2 Correspondence of the mother and son, in Stettler, 501. 

3 Hubert Thomas Leodius, Vita Frederici Palat., iii. 

4 Sattler, Wiirttembergische Geschichte, etc., i. 180. 

5 Die Regensburgische Chronik., vol. iv. 3d part, 234-245. 



378 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

example of more than one city. 1 At the same time, in 
the interest of Austria, George of Saxony vanquished the 
Frisians in the west, whilst in the east, Henry of Brunswick, 
the martial hero, overcame the Budjadins, and both united 
triumphed over Etzard Cirksena, Count of East Frisia, 
whom the Emperor had placed under his ban as being his 
enemy, for having supported these peoples. The Budjadins 
were undone by the winter of this year, which continued 
from October, 1513, to February, 1514, with such severity, 
that all their springs were frozen hard, so that the pea- 
sants for a long period counted their years from this great 
frost, and " Oevelgunne " was raised up over them. Etzard, 
in April of this year, offered George fealty in respect of 
East Frisia, and tribute for Groningen and Ommeland. 
But this did not content George. In July, he devastated 
Damm with great cruelty. Groningen was inclined for 
immediate submission. Etzard saw his enemy marauding 
as far as the gates of Emden. 2 

Among other motives, this great good fortune may have 
induced Christian II. of Denmark to sue for the hand of 
Isabella, Maximilian's second granddaughter. His father 
John had, in the year 1511, pledged himself to aid the 
French. After his death he also was prepared to support 
the Scots. 3 But he now severed himself from the Franco- 
Scottish alliance. In April, 1514, the matter was settled, 
and Christian promised to side with the Order of Prussia 
on behalf of the Empire, and to resist the pretensions of 
Sigismund of Poland. 4 In June, 1514, Maximilian's third 
granddaughter, Maria, journeyed through the Empire in 
order to wed Louis, the heir to the throne of Hungary. 5 

We see the position of affairs in Europe, how that the 
French had not merely lost Italy, but that their party 
had almost in every place either perished or become 
Spanish, and how the two great combinations threatened 
to merge into one, and Louis XII. was himself on the 
point of becoming a member of the Austro- Spanish family. 

1 Proclamation of the Commissioners, ibid., p. 238 

2 Chytraci Chronicon Saxonicum, p. 207. 

3 Gebhardi, Geschichte von Danemark und Norwegen, ii. 55. 

4 Marguerite a l'Empereur, Lettres, iv. 325. 

5 Regensburgische Chronik., vol. iv. part 3, p. 243. 



CH. IV.] CONCLUDING WORDS TO THE NEW EDITION. 379 

In July and August, it looked as though the Spanish 
monarchy would one day embrace the whole of Europe. 
At the same time, the same house was further advantaged 
by the second chief discovery in America. In September, 
1513, that Nunez Balbao, who had founded Veragua, 
sailed from Daria to find the South Sea. After much 
toil and exertion, outstripping his comrades, he climbed 
the peak of a high mountain and saw, first of all our 
races, before him the great ocean that separates both con- 
tinents of the earth. He made a monument of stones 
and took possession of the mountain ; he proceeded down 
the coast, called his notaries to him, and took possession 
of the sea for Ferdinand the Catholic. The Cazikan, 
who had shown him the way, he baptized, and gave him 
the name of his prince Charles, the heir to all this power 
in Europe and America. 1 



Concluding tvords to the new (second edition). 

The narrative breaks off at the very moment of the 
crisis. A combination of dynasties and empires looms 
before us, a combination seemingly destined to combine 
the nations of Latin and Teutonic origin in a unity 
such as has never existed, and which certainly would 
have had a baneful influence upon their development. 
We perceive, at the very first glance, that the realiza- 
tion of such a scheme was confronted by the greatest 
difficulties ; for both nations and countries were yet en- 
gaged in their own peculiar impulses and were repre- 
sented therein by their several dynasties. To combine all 
these into one political system would in itself have been an 
utter impossibility. The idea of such a possibility was 
nothing but an expression of that defeat, which the most 
powerful nation of all, the French, had just suffered. 

All had resulted from this, that the ever chivalrous 
France, superior in power to all other states, attempted, on 
the strength of old dynastic claims, to conquer Naples and 

1 Sommario dell' Indie Occidentali del S. D. Pietro Martyre, in 
Ramusio, Viaggi, 29. 



380 LATIN AND TEUTONIC NATIONS. [BK. II. 

Milan. As a rule, it has only been said that Italy would 
have been utterly ruined ; but at the same time it is in- 
disputable that such a conquest would have imperilled 
the independent development of Europe. But it happened 
that, through the dynastic union of Austrian Burgundy 
and Spain, in the struggles and vicissitudes I have here 
depicted, an opposing force arose which maintained the 
balance of power in Europe. 

The generation whose acts and struggles have led to this 
result belongs, from an historical point of view, to the most 
remarkable that have ever existed ; its political work was 
the founding of an European system of states ; it brought 
the most heterogeneous elements of the north and south 
into a combination, wherein the unity of the Latino- 
Teutonic nations became more than ever conspicuous. 

But such a state of things could not last, in the face of 
the ascendancy which the house of Austria had attained 
to, in the years 1513 and 1514. The life of Europe consists 
in the energy of great contrasts. In the year 1515, the 
most chivalrous of the French kings again began the 
struggle with brilliant success. But that at the same time 
serves to bring the Austro- Spanish combination to full 
reality. The antagonism which has since controlled the 
European world was becoming developed. The generation 
which appeared in the years next following represents it 
most clearly and vigorously. The times henceforward com- 
pletely changed their course. 

It would, perhaps, be an historian's task to describe 
successively the. generations, as far as possible, in the order 
of their appearance on the stage of the world's history, 
showing how they belong together, and how they separate 
from each other. Full justice would have to be done to each 
one of them. It were possible to portray a series of the 
most brilliant forms and figures, all of which have the 
closest connection with each other, and in whose contrasts 
the development of the world makes further progress. 
Events are in harmony with their nature. 



INDEX. 



ABUAYAZID, 178, 180. 
Alba, Duke of, 345, seq. 
Albrecht, Duke of Munich, 217, 

seq. 
Alexander VI., Pope, 41 ; alliance 
with Sforza, 42 ; league with 
Lodovico against Charles, ib. ; 
places Savonarola under ban, 
122 ; his character, 167 ; his 
power, 197 ; death, 201 ; sup- 
posed cause of his death, 205, 
seq. 

Alfonso of Aragon gains posses- 
sion of Naples, 29. 

Alfonso II., son of Ferrante, 
marries daughter of Francis 
Sforza, 30 5 his character, 31 ; 
quarrels with Lodovico, 40 ; 
madekingofNaples,43; alliance 
with Pope Alexander VI., 44 ; 
preparations against Lodovico, 
45 ; his overtures to Charles re- 
jected, 56 ; renounces the realm 
in despair, 57 ; flees to a monas- 
tery at Mazzara, ib. 

Alfonso d'Este, 298 ; refuses to 
obey the pope, 299 ; excommu- 
nicated, ib. ; coins his silver 
plate, 307 ; at the battle of Ba 
venna, 327, seq. ; liberated from 
his ban, 342 ; called " Vulcan," 
353. 

Alibret, John d', 343, 345. 

Allegre, Ive d', 200, 328, 330. 

Almeida, Don Francisco d', 269. 

DonLaurenzo d', defeats the 

Moors, 270; his bravery at 
Panian, 270, seq. ; his death, 
290. 



Alonso of Bisceglia, marries Lu- 
cretia Borgia, 169; murdered, 
173. 

Alvian, Bartholomew d',27 7; takes 
Gorz, 278 ; his character, 284 ; 
taken prisoner by Louis, 287 ; 
defeated by the Spaniards, 373. 

Amboise, Cardinal, archbishop of 
Eouen, 134; made legate at the 
court of France, 183 ; aspires to 
the papacy, 208 ; receives the 
legation of Avignon, 209 ; his 
death, 304. 

America, discovery of, 379. 

Anhalt, Eudolf von, 296. 

Anna, heiress of Bretagne, be- 
trothed to Maximilian, 22 
marries Charles VIII., 23 
marries Louis XII., 135 ; nego 
tiates alliance with Spain, 374 
her death, 375. 

Aragon, house of, its power, 29. 

Ataiilf, King of the Visigoths, 1. 

Aubigny, 91, 189, 199. 

Aursperg, Hans, 277, 279. 

Baglione, Giampaolo, of Perugia. 
258. 

Bajazeth, fits out galleys at Con- 
stantinople, 56; letters to the 
pope, 74. See Abuayazid. 

Balboa, 245, 379. 

Barton, Andrew, 367. 

Battles, Cambuskennet, 15; Ce- 
rignola, 200; Cranganore, 271 
Cressy, 15 ; Dorneck, 148 
Flodden, 369 ; Fornova, 80, seq. 
Fraskenz, 145 ; Ganglian, 202 , 
Ghiara d'Adda, 286, 298 ; Ha- 



382 



INDEX. 



senbiihel, 15 : Miihldorf, 14 



!. ; Novara, 
" ;Begens- 



Navas de Tolosa, 8, 

360;Bavenna,328 

burg, 220 ; St. Aubin, 22 ; Sa 

pienza, 179; Schwaderloch, 144 

seq. ; Spurs, 366. 

Bayard, 189, seq., 203, 261, 295, 
307, seq., 327, 330, 366. 

Bentivoglio, John, of Bologna, re- 
sists Cesar, 172 ; 'treaty with 
him, 183 ; his power, 257 ; 
enters into a compact with the 
French, and leaves Bologna, 
259. 

Bibbiena, counsellor of Piero, 49. 

Blanca, the lady of Savoy, receives 
Charles at Turin, 46. 

Borgia, Cesar, his character, 168 ; 
made Duke of Valentinois, 169 ; 
marriage, ib. ; makes war on 
Lodovico's sister, 170; takes 
Forli, 171, and Faenza, 172 
murders his brother-in-law, 173 
deceives Guidubaldo, 192 ; cap 
tures Urbino andCamerino, 193 
alliance with Louis XII., ib. 
treaty with the Orsini, 195 
his treachery, 196 ; change of 
character after his father's death, 
210; surrenders his castles to 
the pope, 212 ; is taken prisoner 
to Spain, 213 ; his death, ib. 

Juan, marries Enrique En- 
rique z, 44. 

Lucretia, marries John 

Sforza, 42 ; marries Alonso of 
Bisceglia, 1 69 ; marries the son 
of Ercole of Ferrara, 184. 

Eoderick. See Alexander VI. 

Brandon, Charles, 364. 

Cambray, League of, 281. 

Cambuskennet, battle of, 15. 

Capet, family of, and their descen- 
dants, 20. 

Caracciolo, Jacob, surrenders 
Naples to the French, 59. 

Cardona, Eamon de, Spanish com- 
mander-in-chief, 326, 329, 339, 
350, seq., 353, 363, 372. 

Cerignola, battle of, 200. 



Charlemagne, unites the Latino- 
Germanic nations, i. 5. 
Charles VII. of Valois, subdues 

English in France, 20. 
Charles VIII. assumes the govern- 
ment, 22 ; releases Louis of Or- 
leans, ib. ; marries Anne of Bre- 
tagne, 23 ; his character, 28 ; 
makes preparations for an expe- 
dition against Naples, ib. ; starts 
for Italy, 46 ; his reception at 
Turin, 47 ; joined by Lodovico, 
ib. ; his reception at Pisa, 52 ; is 
admitted into Florence, ib. ; fears 
treachery, 53 ; issues a mani- 
festo, 54 ; enters Siena, 54 ; and 
Eome, 55 ; treaty with the pope, 
56 ; rejects the overtures of Al- 
fonso, ib. ; storms St. John, 58 ; 
conquers Capua, ib. ; and Naples, 
59, seq. ; his retreat, 76, seq. ; 
repulses Milanese and Venetians, 
81, seq.] makes treaty with Lodo- 
vico, 85 ; the results of his expe- 
dition, 86 ; his death, 125. 

Duke of Guelders, campaign 

in the Netherlands, 279. See 
Archduke Charles. 

Archduke, marriage, 333 ; 

his succession to the crown of 
Spain assured, 335 ; refused as 
suzerain by Venice, 337 ; de- 
sired as prince by Milan, 352 ; 
succession to the crown of Eng- 
land assured, 374. 

Chaumont, 287, 302, 305. 

Christian II. of Denmark, 378. 

Colon, Bartholomew and Christo- 
pher, their discoveries, 66, seq. 

Colonization, arising from the cru- 
sade, 17, seq. 

Colonna, Fabrizio, general of the 
Spanish cavalry, 326, 329. 

Prospero, 363. 

Coppola, Francis, counsellor of 
Ferrante, rebels againstthe house 
of Aragon, 32 ; is defeated, and 
put to death by Ferrante, 33. 

Cranganore, battle of, 271. 

Cressy, battle of, 15. 

Crusades, the, 6, seq. 



INDEX. 



383 



Davalos, Alfonso, 58. 

Diaz, Bartholomew, 264. 

Don Luys, Count of Lerin, 345. 

Don Manuel, made king of Por- 
tugal, 126; marriage, 185; fits i 
out ships for explorations, 265, I 
267. 

Dorneck, battle of, 148. 

Everhard the Elder, Count of ; 
Wurtemberg, enters into com- ! 
pact with Maximilian, 97 ; his j 
death, 130. 

the Younger, his character, 

97 ; renounces his kingdom, 130. 

Empire, the, founded, 4, 6 ; con- 
stitution of, 99, seq. 

Emperor, the, his position, 101. 

Ercole of Ferrara, 183. 

Etzard Cirksena, 378. 

Europe, at the time of the Cru- 
sades, 7, seq. 

Falk, Peter, 318, seq., 321. 

Eederigo, Alphonso II.'s brother, 
commands fleet against Lodo- 
vico, 45 ; succeeds Ferrantino, 
92; proceedings against him, 
174, seq. ; loses hope, 176 ; goes 
to Ischia, ib. 

Ferdinand of Aragon, offers to 
help Charles, 56 ; his marriage, 
62 ; and accession, 63 ; head of 
the clergy, 65 ; alliance with 
Maximilian, 98 ; alliance with 
Portugal, 126 ; league with 
Henry VII. and Maximilian, 
128 ; treaty with Louis XII. 
about Naples, 175 ; forsaken by 
his relatives, 228 ; interview 
with Philip, 228, seq. ; loses Cas- 
tile, 230 ; goes to Naples, 234, 
seq. ; returns to Castile, 236 ; 
gains the favour of Ximenes, and 
enters Castile, 243 ; operations 
in Africa, 245, seq. ; joins the 
league of Cambray, 281 ; alliance 
with the pope, 31 7 ; reconciliation 
with Maximilian, 334 ; alliance 
with Henry VIII., 335 ; gains 
over Cardinal Ximenes, 344 ; 



conquest of Navarre, 343, seq. ; 
alliance with Florence, 351; with 
Louis, 374, 376 ; league with 
Genoa, 376. 

Ferrante, king of Naples, marries 
his son to the daughter of 
Francis Sforza, 30 ; his alliances, 
ib. 

Ferrantino, son of Alfonso II., 
leader of army against Lodovico, 
45 ; is warded otf by Aubiguy, 
46 ; forsaken by Florentines, 
turns to Kome, 54 ; loses Capua 
and Naples, 58, seq. ; betrothed 
to Joana, 71 ; driven back by 
Charles, 77 ; gains possession of 
Naples, 83 ; repulses the French, 
90 ; his return to Naples, and 
death, 91. 

Flodden, battle of, 369. 

Florence, surrenders to Charles, 
52 ; war with Pisa, 106 ; power 
of, 110; the Consiglio, 115 
burning of "Anathem " at, 118 
compact with Maxmilian, 274 
revolution in, 347, seq. 

Foix, Gaston de, leader of the 
French army, 323, seq. ; death, 
330. 

Fornova, battle of, 80, seq. 

Franzipani, 373. 

Fraskenz, battle of, 145. 

Frundsberg, George, 309,363,372. 

Gama, Vasco de, 265, seq. 

Ganglian, battle of, 202. 

Genoa, revolution of the " Popo- 
lares" at, 260 ; stormed by Louis, 
261 ; league with Louis, 376. 

George of Saxony, 378. 

Gerlo, Augustin, offers to kill the 
pope, 308. 

Germans, the, united with the 
Latins, 1, seq. ; connected with 
the Crusades, 7, seq. ; " German 
knights," 1 0, seq. ; German 
auxiliaries decisive in European 
wars, 98. 

Ghiara d'Adda, battle of, 286, 
298. 

Gonzaga, Marquis, 81, 201, 202. 



384 



INDEX. 



Gonzal, advances from Reggio, 
87, seq. ; takes Taranto, 120; 
captures Cephalogna from the 
Turks, 180 ; his character, 190; 
reduces Rubo, 198 ; defeats the 
French at Cerignola, 200 ; enters 
Naples, 201 ; defeats the French 
on the Ganglian, 202 ; in Naples, 
233 ; inclines to Ferdinand, 234 ; 
is deceived by him, 236. 

Gossenbrod, George, 140, seq. 

Granada, capture of, 66, seq. 

Guidubaldo, of Urbino, deceived 
by Cesar, 192 ; his flight, 193 ; 
his return, 194, 207. 

Ilasenbuhel, battle of, 15. 

Henry VII., 127, 322, seq. 

VIII., 333; alliance with 

Spain, 335 ; invades France, 364 ; 
wins the battle of the spurs, 
366 ; enters Tournay, 371. 

Hermandad, the, 64, seq. 

India, discovered by Portuguese, 
266. 

Innocent VIII. , Pope, his dis- 
pleasure at Lorenzo's alliance 
with Ferrante, 37 ; is pacified 
by the marriage of his son with 
Lorenzo's daughter, ib. ; his 
death, 40. 

Inquisition, established in Castile, 
63. 

Isabella, daughter of Alfonso II., 
betrothed to John GaJeazzo, 39 ; 
defends Bari, 188. 

Isabella of Castile, refuses the 
crown, 61 ; appointed heiress to 
Henry IV., 62 ; marries Ferdi- 
nand, ib. ; becomes Queen of 
Portugal, 185 ; death, ib. 

James IV. of Scotland, 184 ; al- 
liance with France, 367 ; death 
at Flodden, 370. 

Jews, the, in Spain, 63, seq. 

Joana, daughter of Henry IV., 
declared illegitimate by the 
nobles, 61 ; flees with Ferran- 
tino to Naples, 71. 



Jbrgvon Sargans, Count, 141. 

Juana, wife of Philip, 185; her 
insanity, 237, seq. ; meeting with 
Ferdinand, 244. 

Julius II., Pope, 208 ; resists 
Venice, 255, seq. ; his character, 
256; marches against Bologna, 
258 ; enters Perugia, ib. ; and 
Bologna, 259 ; returns to Borne, 
262 ; joins the League of Cam- 
bray, 281 ; pronounces his ban 
upon Venice, 282 ; removes the 
interdict, 297 ; quarrels with 
Alfonso of Ferrara, 299 ; fits 
out a fleet against Genoa, ib. ; 
makes an alliance with the Swiss, 
301 ; goes to Bologna, 302 ; 
wins over the Bolognese, 305, 
seq. ; besieges and captures 
Mirandula, 307 ; calls a Con- 
cilium at Rome, 316; forms an 
alliance with Spain, 317 ; Parma 
and Piacenza surrender to him, 
342 ; forms an alliance with 
Spain, 352 ; death, 354. 

Jiirg uff der Flue, 318, 338. 

Khan Hassan, Sultan of Cairo, 
helps the Indians and Moors 
against the Portuguese, 273. 

Lang, Matthew, Bishop of Gurk, 
305, 309, 342, 350, 352. 

La Palice, 189, 198, 294, 340, 366. 

Leo X., Pope, 355. 

Lerin, Count, 343, 345. 

Liga, the, formation of, 73 : ridi- 
culed at Naples, 77 ; headed by 
the Pope, 119 ; victorious in 
Italy and France, 124; joined 
by Henry VII., 127. 

Lille, treaty of, 373. 

Lodovico the Moor, urges Charles 
to invade Italy, 26 ; is displeased 
at the Duchess Buona taking 
possession of Naples in the 
name of his nephew, John 
Galeazzo, 34; is driven out of 
Milan, ib. ; stirs up the revolt 
against Florence, ib. ; returns 
and takes on himself the con- 



INDEX. 



385 



duct of affairs, ib. ; his alliance 
with the Aragons and Pope 
Sixtus, ib. ; helps John Galeazzo 
to the throne, thus acquiring 
the real power, 35 ; his cha- 
racter, ib. ; his betrothal to 
Beatrice, 39 ; quarrel with 
Alfonso, 40 ; poisons Galeazzo, 
and is made Duke of Naples, 
48 : joins League against 
Charles, 73 ; makes treaty with 
him, 85 ; feud with Venice, 136 ; 
deserted by his allies, 149, seq. ; 
goes to Germany, 153 ; again 
advances into Italy, 157 ; enters 
Milan, 159 ; is captured by Tri- 
vulzio, 164. 
Louis XL : His character, 21 ; 
gains possession of Burgundy 
and the cities of the Somme, 
ib. ; gains Berry, Provence, and 
Anjou, ib. ; wins battle of St. 
Aubin, and conquers Bretagne, 
22. 
Louis XII. : Accession and cha- 
racter, 133 ; divorces his wife 
and marries Charles VIII. 's 
heiress, 135 ; treaty with the 
Swiss, 1 43 ; goes into Italy, 
154, seq. ; league with the Pope, 
166; advances against Naples, 
174, seq. ; his occupations and 
allies, 183 ; compact with Philip, 
186 ; and with Maximilian, 215- 
222 ; illness, 224 ; revokes the 
betrothal between Charles and 
Claudia, 231 ; storms the Ge- 
noese, 261 ; joins Maximilian 
in an attack on Venice, 281 ; 
his hatred of Venice accounted 
for, 283; defeats Alvian, 287; 
his reception at Milan, 293 ; j 
gives up the league with the | 
Swiss, 299 ; decides for war, | 
304; fails in his attempt to j 
make an alliance with the Swiss, 
357; league with Venice, ib. ; 
alliance with Ferdinand, 374, 
376. 
Louis of Orleans : Rebels, and is 
taken prisoner toBourges, after j 
C C 



the battle of St. Aubin, 22 ; re- 
leased by Charles VIII., ib. ; 
claims to Milan, 71 ; captured 
at Novara, 84 ; released, 85. 
See Louis XII. 

Macchiavelli, 347, 352. 

Malacca, emporium of Eastern 

trade, 264. 
Mantua, Marquis of, 260 ; cap- 
tured and imprisoned, 295, 296 ; 
liberated, 306. 
Masono, grotto of, massacre in, 

296. 
Maximilian, Emperor of Austria, 
King of the Romans : Fails 
to uphold his wife's claim to 
Burgundy, 21 ; marries his 
daughter to the Dauphin, and 
assigns Artois and the free 
county to the French as her 
dowry, 21 ; recovers Artois 
and his daughter by peace of 
Senlis, 23 ; joins league against 
Charles, 73 ; his position and 
policy, 93 ; lord of the Nether- 
lands, 94 ; his character and 
pursuits, 95, seq. ; alliance with 
Spain through marriage of his 
sons, 98; his proposal at the 
Diet of Worms, 102 ; defeat of 
his plans, 105 ; prepares an ex- 
pedition into Italy, 108, seq. ; 
invests Livorno, 110; retreats 
to Germany, 118; makes a 
threefold attack on France, 
which is unsuccessful, 132 ; de- 
feated by Swiss, 149 ; promises 
Milan to Louis, 177 ; treaty 
with France, 215; the Estates 
submit to his decision, 218 ; de- 
feats the Bohemians, 220 ; league 
with Louis and Philip, 222 ; his 
doings in Hungary, 230, seq. ; 
prepares to invade Italy, 274 ; 
adopts the title of Roman Em- 
peror elect, 275 ; retreats to 
Innsbruck, 276 ; danger from 
Venice, 277 ; joins with Louis 
in an attack on Venice, 281 ; 
declares hostilities against 



386 



INDEX. 



Venice, 292 ; storms Padua, 
295: leaves Italy, ib. ; recon- 
ciliation with Spain, 334 ; joins 
Henry VIII., 365. 

Medici, John de, 329, 348, seq.; 
became Pope, 354. See Leo X. 

Juliano, 351. 

Lorenzo de : head of the 

Florentines, 36; enters into 
friendship with Milan and 
Naples, 37 ; his death, 40. 

Piero de, son of Lorenzo, 

•40 ; devoted to the Aragons, 
ib. ; his character, 41 ; his policy 
disapproved at Florence, 50 ; is 
forced to flee to Bologna, 51. 

Melinda, Prince of, 266, 269. 

Moors, the, trade of, 263 ; in 
Mozambicpae, 265 ; defeated by 
Lourenzo, 270. 

Migration of nations, the, 2, seq. ; 
18. 

Muhldorf, battle of, 14. 

Naples, Avar in, 187, seq. ; truce, 
204. 

Navarra, Pedro, conducts expedi- 
tion to Africa, 246 ; takes Tri- 
polis, 247 ; bores mines under 
Bologna, 322 ; captain of the 
foot, 326. 

Navarre, conquest of, 343, seq. 

Navas de Tolosa, battle of, 8, seq. 

No vara, battle of, 360. 

Oliveretto, 194. 

Orsini, peace with Alexander, 

120; treaty with Cesar, 195; 

destruction of, 197. 
Orsino, Cardinal, 195. 

Pagolo, 50. 

Ostrogothic Empire, fall of, 4. 

Pacteco, Pereira, 267, seq. 
Papacy, the, founded, 4, 6 ; power 

of, not recognized before the 

seventh century, 4. 
Pavia, Cardinal of, character of, 

306 ; in command in Bologna, 

309 ; flees, 310 ; his death, 311. 
Petrucci, Antonello, counsellor of 

Ferrante, 30. 



" Pfennig" tax, 105, 108, 131. 

Philip, Archduke, 185, seq., 214; 
league with Maximilian and 
Louis, 222 ; prepares to drive 
Ferdinand out of Castile, 223 ; 
alliance with Henry VIII., 227; 
interview with Ferdinand, 228, 
seq. ; the cities of Castile open 
their gates to him, 230 ; his 
death, 232. 

Pisa ceded to Charles by Piero, 
50 ; gives itself up to the French, 
52 ; war with Florence, 106 ; 
council of, 316, 325. 

Pitigliano, 284, 288. 

Pius III., Pope, 28 ; death, ib. 

Portuguese, the, discoveries of, 
263 ; their victories over the 
Moors, 267, seq. ; bravery of, 
271. 

Kabot, Jean, Master of Petitions 
to Charles, 52. 

Ravenna, battle of, 328, seq. 

Regensburg, battle of, 220. 

Rene of Anjou, 21. 

Rienzi, Cola, 16. 

Robert von der Mark, 358, 360. 

Roger, king of Italy, 8. 

Rovera, Julian della, Cardinal, 
urges Charles to invade Italy, 
26 ; in disfavour with Innocent 
VIII., 37 ; resists Borgia, 41 ; 
elected Pope, 208. See Julius II. 

Ruprecht, 217, seq., 221. 

St. Aubin, battle of, 22. 

St. Jago, order of, 64. 

Sancho the Wise, 344. 

Sapienza, battle of, 179. 

Savonarola, his prophecies, 51,77; 
his doctrines, 112, seq. ; his in- 
fluence, 114, seq. ; excites the 
hatred of the Pope, 120; placed 
under ban, 122 ; publishes the 
" Triumph of the Cross," 123 ; 
his death, 125. 

Schiner, Matthew, Bishop of Va- 
lais, 301, 303,318, 320. 

Schwaderloch, battle of, 144, seq. 



INDEX. 



387 



Senlis, peace of, 23. 
Sforza, house of, 29. 

Ascanio, resists Roderick 

Borgia, 41 ; with Lodovico in 
Italy, 138 ; besieges the castle 
at Milan, 160 ; imprisoned at 
Bourges, 165; released, 207. 

Francis, gains possession of 

Milan, 29 ; becomes Lord of 
Milan, 36 ; the fates of his sons, 
164. 

John, of Pesaro, 42, 169, 171. 

John Galeazzo, assumes 

dukedom of Milan, 35 ; be- 
trothed to Isabella, 39 ; poisoned 
by Lodovico, 48. 

Lodovico, the Moor. See 

Lodovico. 

Maximilian, 352, 356, 361. 

Slavs, the, 3, seq., 9. 

Soderini, 349, seq., 355. 

Spain connected with the Cru- 
sades, 7, seq. ; its power, and the 
origin thereof, 61, seq. ; royal 
marriages in, 185 ; war with 
France, 187, seq. ; loses posses- 
sions in Italy, 189. 

Spurs, battle of the, 366. 

Suabian League, the, 100 ; cities 
of, called to the assistance of the 
Tyrol, 141. 

Swiss, the, treaty with Louis, 1 43 ; 
win the battle of Schwaderloch, 
144; drive back the Suabians, 
145; defeat Maximilian, 149; 
their situation in 1510,299; join 
Louis, 300; make an alliance with 
the pope, 301 ; cross the St. Go- 
thard, 302 ; retreat, 303 ; asso- 
ciate with the pope, 318 ; rise up 
against the emperor, 320 ; ad- 
vance into Italy, and are re- 
pulsed, 321; retreat, 322; again 
advance, 338, seq. ; take Milan, 
341 ; struggle with the French 
for Milan, 355, seq. ; win battle 
of Novara, 360 ; cross the French 
frontier, 367. 

Terouanne, siege of 365 ; destruc- 
tion of, 371. 



Tournay, siege of, 371. 

Tremouille, 79, 160, 357, 361. 

Trivulzio, John Jacob, 34; de- 
serts Ferrantino, and goes over 
to Charles, 59 ; fortifies Asti, 
107 ; arrayed against Lodovico, 
149 ; occupies Milan with his 
Guelphs, 158 ; flees to the Tes- 
sin, 159; retires further, 160; 
takes Lodovico prisoner, 164; 
brings tidings to Louis, 285 ; at 
the head of the French, 308 ; 
drives back the papal army, 
309 ; leaves Milan, 341 ; sent as 
envoy to the Swiss, 357 ; de- 
feated at Novara, 361. 

Turks, the, involved in the war in 
Italy, 178 ; gain a vie tor y over 
the Venetians, 179 ; take Le- 
panto, ib. 

Ulrich, of Wiir tern berg, 219, 366. 
Urbino, duke of, 306 ; kills the 

cardinal of PaA-ia, 311 ; organizes 

the papal army, 339. 



Valori, Francis, envoy to Charles, 
50, seq. 

Venice forms a league against 
Charles, 73 ; feud with Lodo- 
vico, 136; declares for the pope, 
172 ; attacks the Bomagna, 209, 
254 ; its commerce, 248, seq. ; 
its conquests, 251, seq. ; its con- 
stitution, 253 ; its power, 254 ; 
war with Cesar, ib. ; resisted by 
Julius II., 256 ; decay of its 
commerce, 263, 272 ; refuses to 
comply with the demands of 
France, 280 ; gives up the sub- 
jected cities, 289 ; its trade and 
military power crushed, 291. 

Vinci, Leonardo da, summoned to 
Milan by Lodovico, 35. 

WJadislaw, king of Hungary, 42, 

230. seq. 
Wolleb, Heini, 145. 
Worms, diet of, 97, 102. 



388 



INDEX. 



Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, 
180, 240; review of his life, 
241, seq.; made cardinal, 243; 
declares for Ferdinand, ib. ; 
urges the Moorish war, 245 ; 
sets sail for Africa, and takes 



Oran, 246; gained over by Fer- 
dinand, 344. 

Zamorin, the, of Kolikod, 263, seq. 
Zjemi, 55, 60, 74. 



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. 6*. 

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i 
io«. 

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Henfrey*s Guide to English Coins, 
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.v, M.A., 
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Hui 



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Wright's (T.) Dictionary of Obsolete 
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